Cal Disorientation Guide 2014: The "Free" Speech Edition


Current View


Cal Disorientation Guide 2014: The "Free" Speech Edition




Berkeley, California

extracted text

Cal Disorientation Guide 2014:

The "Free" Speech Edition
Photo: Free Speech Movement, 1964

Will you be there?

1. A selection of underground information you’ll never get from your dorm, CalSO, or the Daily Cal.
2. An invitation to a more liberated college experience, pollinated by critical thought and creative action.
3. A collection of thoughts and questions “THEY” don’t want you to consider.

Welcome to Berkeley!
You are standing on some historically rich soil, and this ‘zine
you hold in your hot little hand is one of its many fruits.
“In 1969, radical students first introduced a “Disorientation”
program at Berkeley. The purpose of the Disorientation was to
provoke discussion about the University as an institution, its role
in society, and its impact on the values and aspirations of its students. Many students had come to feel that the University, despite
a rhetoric of “personal development” and “academic freedom”,
was not so much concerned with the interests of students and public as it was with those of business and the military [...] Students
developed Disorientation as a means of challenging the prevailing
image of the university as a center for liberal education.” -- DisGuide 1977
Fast forward to today, Fall 2014, the 50th Anniversary of
the Free Speech Movement, and it seems that the need for
students to exercise critical thought and organized pressure
to counter the corporate control of our public institutions is
more necessary than ever.
This semester is sure to be punctuated by official UC commemorations of our social movement legacy, sanitized and
memorialized to create picture perfect representations of what
were truly messy, often confrontational social processes. These movements were usually organized by small groups, often
driven more by ideals than expertise, and have always, always
been marginalized and repressed by university administrators
and police.

“We don’t propose you transfer to another school, for the system
is not unique to Berkeley. We don’t propose that a student drop
out – education can still be a valuable thing. We do propose that
you use the University – don’t let it use you. We can shape our
education and experiences as much as they shape us.” –DisGuide
Drawing upon our progressive legacy, a group of UC students,
workers, and alumni with varying political perspectives joined
together to publish this collection of articles. There are many
issues that we have not touched on due to limits of time and
space. Rather than a final statement, we hope that this guide will
be a catalyst. We urge all students, faculty, workers, alum, and
local community to discuss, analyze, criticize, and most of all, to
become involved.
We suggest that the cultural evolution of humanity not be
thought of as a linear progression, but rather as a slow and cyclical one -- like a coil or spring, looping round to similar territory
decade after decade, slowly but surely ascending.
Where on the helix of history are we today? That’s for us to
decide collectively.
Hit us up online, where we’ll be posting news, events, and commentary throughout the semester:
First general assembly: Tuesday, September 9th, 6:30pm.
Location to be released.

9/1: UAW 2865 Labor Day Happy Hour, 3-5 at Jupiter (2181
Shattuck)--members of the grad+ student union get a free beer
on us!
9/4: SEAL’s first open meeting- Meet on steps of Dwinelle at 6pm
9/9: First General Assembly
9/17: Regent’s Meeting- Fossil Free Divestment vote
9/17: Boalt hall school of law, 4-5:30: FSM panel: "Free Speech
on Campus: From the Free Speech Movement to Occupy"
9/27: FSM Alumn events- details about student panel TBA
10/1: FSM Rally on Sproul, 12-1.
10/1: FSM Panel 3:30 - 5
10/1: Deadline for UC to Respond to AB94 (Budget transparency law)


10/8: Sutardja dai hall banatao auditorium, 4-5:30: FSM panel:
"Voting Rights"
10/8: Strike Debt at UCB Presents "The Rolling Jubilee and Student Debt Cancellation" Time is TBD See Strike Debt UCB Facebook Page For Updates
10/13: FSM panel: "Inequality in National and Transnational
Perspective: A Conversation with Emmanuel Saez and Branko
Milanovic". Location tba, 5:30-7:
10/25: 2nd Annual Student-Labor Organizing Conference. Students from across the UCs will educate each other on issues facing
students and workers, and learn the skills needed to fight back!
10/31: Hip Hop Punk Halloween Party; Zombie Napolitano
Costume Contest
11/19-11/20: Regents' Meeting at UCSF Mission Bay
12/2: The 50th anniversary of the FSM Sproul Hall occupation
stay tuned and come to coalition meetings for more info


Free Speech Movement Revisited

the 50th
anniver- of
with it
it the
the Free Speech Movement. Though the Though
to its
to the
of history,
its issues
as below
just asofrelevant
as ever.are
ever. Rossman,
The piecea below
was of
by as
key organizer
Rossman, in
a key
FSM, by
on Michael
its 10th anniversary,
of the FSM, on its 10th anniversary, in 1974.

As seen through the national media, the FSM began in OcAs 1964,
seen through
the national
when three
hostage a poFSM
lice car that had arrested a civil rights worker on
but Berkeley
a crucial
held hostage
a policelater
car when
three months
of our
that arrested
had arrested
a civil
on the
in the
10,00 more
and campus,
shut theand
the faculty
wanted to use
later the
800 students
arrested in the
the public
stake were
in and
FSM wascontradictions,
the harbingeritsoffailures
what to
shut the campus
every possible way to further it. If
they demands.
enjoy basic political
to ratifycitizens?
the majorDo
courses that would lead us to understand
and social needs were at their highest
on aAtpublic
as well
as inCivil
off hours— not only the
stake were
not only
the local
what happens behind the smokescreens of
refinement in us. We were jolted to awareness
to vote,and
organize political
action? The
narrow issue
at the best
all-around university in the country. Our
budget, but
of them by the contrasting experience of a
speech. Did
we have
to advocate political
defection was surprising, but perfectly appropriate. For if the
different kind
of educational
causes, hold meetings for them, recruit members, collect funds?
problems with the education
in our
are not supercitizens? Do they enjoy basic political rights
civil rights movement
The regents said no, the Constitution said yes, we went to jail,
while on a public campus, as well as in their
the faculty agreed with us, and the regents passed a resolution
to correct, but fundamental, as I believe, then in a sense ourwe
here, in a sharply
the most
not have
saying they didn’t contemplate abridging our rights.
of education
its best
was favored
the key
to recognize ourits
But this political issue of students’ rights was only the
its worst.
The institution’s
to meet
was free
we have
the right
to was also
issueofof our time.
How much
of speech.
the FSM
its legacy.
the issue
In 1964
was in locoin
social needs
at university’s
their highest
advocate freedom.
political causes,
for had come
By 1964
of us
does the student have to determine
the jolted to parentis,
andofit was
us. We were
by the
them, recruit
not just
as a place
went likecontent,
an empty
to and experience
purpose of his
the final
stages of our
ofora different
kind ofmonitoring
said habits
yes, wethat her
filled said
learning? Should he ordeveloping
she have fullinrights
the civilpreparation
rights movement
and more fully
in and
for adult citizenship.
If, alone
jail, the
with us,
the learn
a went
as a place
about the
FSM freedom?
itself, without
which we
of academic
freedom, as of
and ugliness
of our
regents passed
a resolution
didn’thow toIf change
to recognize
our inown
the FSM them.
was the harbinger
at all, and
ways have fallen
this sense our
our activity
rights. wasn’t just anyetextracurricular
amount to an education revolution, it is
back, it is because we had embarked
a rite
a crucial
We wanted
political part
of students’
rights was
worth asking why it started at Berkeley. As
of passage for which no completion yet exists.
way to further
it. We wanted
for university
adult citizenship.
If, aloneparent,
only the
surface ofinthe
and its legacy.
well as surveys can determine,
For if the
was our surrogate
lead us
understand what happens behind
There was
the issue
of to
best students at the best all-around university then the other institutions of society, which it
campus facilities
in many
ways have fallen back, it is because we had embarfreedom.
By 1964 of
of us we
come toto use in
the country.
was surprising,
resembles so deeply, govern us paternally
we wan-Our defection
ked on a rite of passage for which no completion yet exists.
on college not just as a place where one
to leave the
to see
to receive credit towards degrees for participating in and
For if the university was
went like an empty can to get filled with the
evaluating these experiments.
information and habits that could win one a
requiring merely
some minor
to enter
an no
At stake here, in a sharply political example,
was perhaps
job, but as aissue
we should
to facepersonalities,
the task of creating
key education
our time.
How much
right does
the dependent
of their
society, without
student have to determine the content, style, thrust, and purto enter an unknown space— to face the task of creating
change them.
In this
of education
its best
of his
he or she have
full rights
ritual, tradition,
example ritual,
to guidetradition,
us, nor
in a changed
sense ourfreedom,
political activity
as of wasn’t
instead education at its worst.
The institution’s
structure. structure.
or example
to guide us,
any supporting
1855 Henry Durant develops the College of California.
1866 The California legislature uses the federal Morrill
Land Grant Act of 1862 to establish the Agricultural,
Mining, and Mechanical Arts College.
1868 The two schools merge to become a “complete
university.” The California governor signs the Organic Act
into law to officially create the University of California.
1887 March 16 The Associated Students of the
Colleges of Letters and Sciences of the University of
California (later renamed to the ASUC) is formed.
1894 The Associated Women Students is formed in
response to university senior men having control over
most student activities. It existed as a subsidiary of the
ASUC to control activities where only women were


1900 October A new ASUC constitution is adopted
University Student Cooperative Association (USCA).
and grants, amongeople
other things,
control Speech
1940 The ASUC
involved in
theto Free
a bunch
aspects affecting the student body to the ASUC
political actions, such as assisting labor in boycotting
industries, trying to end racial discrimination, and
executive committee.
1923 The office of the Dean of Men is created. Over
attempting to block America’s entry into the war.
Legal an
time, the officeCommittee,
increasingly takesSteering
control of matters
The Central,
University of Press
Regents establishes
affecting student
life away and
from student
and It became
a highly
organized campaign with
The new Faculty Administrative Committee on
a clear hierarchy of which Mario1943
was the head. Mario Savio
1931 Dissident student groups attempt, and fail, to
student conduct takes control of disciplinary power away
He was so admiusurp control of the student body from the ASUC. Such
from studentmovement.
red that
a young
attempts are sustained
the onset like Marilyn
1945 July
16 The
United States
tests the world’s
atomic bomb
the Trinity
test site
Alamogordo, New
America’s involvement
War II. and house-keeping
doing inhis
a movement
1933 The University of California Students’ Cooperative
Mexico. In 1943, the University of California takes over
that started and ended with individuals
like Mario Savio, and so it was
Association, a student-owned and operated housing
managing the Los Alamos laboratory where much of the
as people
organization, is founded. It later became known as the
atomic bomb research
was taking
place. The project,


Who runs the UC /
Get to know your Regents

Is free speech really free outside of a democratic system? The

unelected Board of Regents governing the University of California is plutocracy at its worst. Appointed and unaccountable they are free to utilize this vast public system to promote
their own agendas. Despite multiple protests from students
and faculty they continue to raise tuition and fees. They have
allowed corporate entities to become intertwined with our public university system. They have ignored public outcry and
have appointed Janet Napolitano as UC president despite her
utter lack of credentials and her record of human rights violations and complicity in the expansion of the surveillance state.
This year, as the administration prepares to pay lip service to
their sanitized and prepackaged version of the free speech movement, students need to think critically. What is the point of
free speech is if nobody is listening? It is time to democratize
the Regents. The University of California is a public asset and
should be managed by elected officials who are accountable to
the public.

Appointed Regents
The University of California shall constitute a public trust, to
be administered by the existing corporation known as "The
Regents of the University of California," with full powers of organization and government, ... Said corporation shall be in the
form of a board composed of seven ex officio members, ... and 18
appointive members appointed by the Governor and approved by
the Senate… The terms of the members appointed for terms commencing on and after March 1, 1976, shall be 12 years.
The university shall be entirely independent of all political or sectarian influence and kept free therefrom in the appointment of its
regents and in the administration of its affairs ..."
- from Article IX, Section 9 of the Constitution of the State of
California 1
"If The University Were A Business, It Would Likely Be The Largest Corporation In California"
-Statement from UC Regents meeting July 15 2010 2


Richard C. Blum

* Appointed March 12, 2002 to a term expiring March 1,
2014 (by Davis); re-appointed in 2014 (by Brown) to a term
expiring March 1, 2026.
* Chairman and President of Blum Capital
* Co-Chairman of Newbridge Capital, LLC
* member of a Board of CB Richard Ellis, worlds largest commercial real estate services firm
* Blum benefited from many contracts awarded by UC Regents to URS,a construction company of which he was a board
member until divesting from the firm in 2005
* $150 million dollars reconstruction of Santa Monica Hospital (2001)
* $125 million dollars design and reconstruction of UC Los
Alamos lab
* project management services for for the development of a
$200 million Southeast Campus Integrated Project, including
a seismic retrofit of Memorial Stadium and a substantial expansion of the Haas School of Business
* since Blum’s appointment in 2002, $745 million of UC money was invested in seven private equity deals involving either
Blum or his firm, Blum Capital Partner (as of 2010) 3-4

Russell Gould

* Appointed September 13, 2005 to a term expiring March 1,
2017 (by Schwarzenegger); Partner, California Strategies LLC;
* Senior Vice President at Wachovia
* was a Senior Vice President for Finance and Investments at
The J. Paul Getty Trust
* as a UC Regent Russell Gould, was receiving a salary from
Wachovia/Wells Fargo from 1996 to 2009 while also being the
chair of the finance committee from 2008 to 2009 6

Monica Lozano

* Appointed March 2001 to a term expiring March 1, 2013
(by Davis); re-appointed in 2014 (by Brown) to a term expiring March 1, 2022.
* Chief Executive Officer and Chair of the Board of Impremedia, LLC.
* director of Walt Disney Company since 2000

* director of Bank of America Corporation since 2006
* member of The Rockefeller Foundation board of trustees
since 2012

Norman J. Pattiz

* Appointed September 21, 2001 to a term expired March
1, 2004 (by Davis); appointed September 4, 2003 to a term
expired March 1, 2014 (by Davis); re-appointed in 2014 (by
Brown) to a term expiring March 1, 2026.
* Founder and former Chairman of the Board of Westwood
One America's largest radio network and one of the world's
leading media companies.

Sherry L. Lansing

* Appointed March 11, 1999 to a term expiring March 1,
2010 (by Davis); re-appointed in 2010 (by Schwarzenegger)
to a term expiring March 1, 2022.
* Founder of the Sherry Lansing Foundation
* Former Chair and CEO of Paramount Pictures' Motion Picture Group
* Since Sept. 2006, Regent Sherry Lansing has been a member
of Qualcomm’s board of directors
* She received $132,000 in director’s fees from Qualcomm in
2013, stock option awards valued at $200,036, and additional
compensation of $50,000 for a total of $382,036.
* According to her UC Regents economic disclosure statement,
Ms. Lansing owns “more than $1 million” in Qualcomm stock
options (no upper limit is specified), but she has a less than 1
percent interest in the company. (as of 2010)
* Documents released by the treasurer show that, through its
external investment managers, UC has quadrupled its investment in Qualcomm by putting $397 million into stock of

the information technology firm since Ms. Lansing joined its
board (while she also served as a regent) 9

Hadi Makarechian

* Appointed October 24, 2008 to term expiring March 1,
2020 (by Schwarzenegger);
* founder and chairman of Capital Pacific Holdings, which
develops residential real estate in California and other Western
* national campaign finance co-chair for Mitt Romney’s 2008
presidential campaign 10-12

Bonnie Reiss

Appointed March 27, 2008 to a term expiring March 1, 2020
(by Schwarzenegger); Global Director of the Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy at the University of
Southern California;

The rest of the appointed Regents not covered in detail:
William De La Peña, M.D., Eddie Island, George Kieffer,
Fred Ruiz, Richard Sherman, Bruce D. Varner, Paul Wachter,
Charlene Zettel


Graph by Charles Schwartz, UC Berkeley Professor Emeritus. Find complete article on


Upcoming Fee Hikes
at the UC?
When the UC Regents attempted to pass an 81% fee hike

in Fall 2011, students and workers launched the Occupy Cal
movement in protest. The fee hike ended up being cancelled
soon after one of the biggest protests the University of California has ever seen. Though the UC may not admit it, the mass
mobilization around Occupy Cal, which gathered 5000-7000
students, workers and community members in Upper Sproul
Hall steps in November 15 for a rally and a night of occupation, is what put the 81% fee hike on hold, and pressured the
UC regents and Governor Brown to call for the freezing of
tuition for at least 3 years. But now, after 3 years of the freeze, Governor Brown and the State of California are talking of
a budget shortfall, and the UC Regents have been discussing
the possibility that tuition increases could restart as soon the
2015-2016 school year. So the question is: can we once again
stop this coming fee hike?
The UC, and UC Berkeley in particular, has a history of activism against not only the tuition/fee hikes, but also the continued transformation from being an affordable public university (arguably the case up until the 90s) to one that primarily is
affordable only by the children of the wealthy, and a small percentage of students from under-resourced communities (i.e.
Black, Latino and South-East Asian communities especially)
that can only afford it due to financial aid. For example, in
2001, the average cost of tuition and fees for a UC undergraduate totaled just over $5,000. Today, it is close to $13,000.
Furthermore, these fee increases take place in a context of rising student debt: “student loan debt surpassed $1 trillion in
2013, placing it as the second highest form of consumer debt
behind mortgages”.
Along with increased tuition, a budget shortfall would mean
infrastructure cuts that would lead to increased class sizes, cuts
to certain departments (usually Humanities), and cuts to fa-


culty. Campus workers would also be affected by budget cuts
in the form of slashed retirement benefits, rising health-care payments, salary and hiring freezes, increased work-load and pressure to do more work in less time.
The two major movements and wave of mobilizations, the
2009 anti-fee-hike protests (against a 32% fee hike) and the
2011 Occupy Cal movement (against an 81% fee hike over 3
years), did not happen spontaneously--it took coalition building, education, and lots of groundwork to get the supports of
various student campus groups, campus workers, faculty and
the wider Berkeley community. Back in 2009 and 2011, the
UC justified raising fees due to receiving less funding for the
California funds, but activists knew that fee hikes were used to
fund the UC’s prolific construction projects for new buildings
and corporate projects.
Halting fee hikes and austerity measures are possible, and has
been done in recent memory. However, it won’t happen without
an organized movement. In order to be able to withstand the
institutional resources and power of the UC, we need to be clear
and convincing in our messaging, and strong and united in our
organizing and collaboration. Part of this strategy also means
to go on the offensive now, so that talks of fee hikes and budget
cuts are out of the question.
We will need to be able to convince a good percentage of the
campus community through education and organizing on why
it is in their interest to be have their voices heard. And through
an insurmountable pressure on the UC via getting the campus,
parents, workers, and the community on our side to fight for
proper funding of public education, we can pressure the state and the UC Regents to prioritize funding on education as
opposed to giving tax breaks to corporations, the wealthy, and
other non-public services.

Student debt is a growing economic and moral crisis. The ave-

rage U.S. college student today graduates with over $25,000 in
debt, and nationally, unpaid tuition debt exceeds one trillion
One trillion dollars: 1,000,000,000,000.
Only a few decades ago when tuition cost a few hundred dollars, student debt was almost nonexistent. Even members of
the Republican Party believed that education was a central
public good that sustained the future of a truly democratic
citizenry. Here at Cal, our tuition has increased 300% since
2002, and the average debt burden per student is $20,000.
Students from low-income households are regularly charged
more than one third of their family’s annual earnings for a year
of tuition at a public college. The rate of black and Latino students graduating with unmanageable debt burdens is around
20 percent higher than that of their white counterparts. This
debt burden constrains the future choices of students and perpetuates inequality.
Meanwhile, post-graduation salaries have declined in the past
decade. Some students feel isolated and ashamed as they watch
their credit scores plummet and get hounded by debt collectors just as their professional lives begin. Default on student
loans is growing faster than any other category of debt, and it is
beginning to establish a new financial bubble resembling that
of the mortgage market before the 2008 crisis.
Strike Debt and progressive coalitions on campus for free education are building a debt resistance movement to turn the
university back into a debt free and fully subsidized public
good that helps build a participatory citizenry, rather than an
increasingly exclusive, highly priced service that constrains our
There has been no serious debate focused on addressing the
underlying causes- like the skyrocketing tuition at “public”
schools, stagnant wages, systemic unemployment, and ongoing public service cuts. As we become forced to go into debt

for the basic rights like education, Wall Street and our finance
system profits from our loan repayments . UC Berkeley in intimately connected to this system, and has pursued interest rate
swaps and other debt-driven profit strategies over the past decade, all guaranteed by our tuition and financed in an increasing
amount on the global market. Students, faculty and workers
bear the risks of these financial deals and rarely see the rewards.
The prioritization of revenue and capital assets like new buildings makes the UC more of a financial business partner then a
provider of a social good.
With so much money to be made, the debate on student loans
has not addressed these issues, and has focused instead on bandaids like tinkering with interest rates. Until the conventional
debate around student debt is opened up to include genuine
alternatives that can be acted upon, collective resistance and refusal are the tactics most likely to succeed.
Ask yourself: how much would it cost to make every single public two- and four-year college and university in the United States tuition-free for all students? Probably less than you think.
After stripping off the amount that the government already
spends to subsidize higher education — including at for-profit
institutions — the total amount of new money necessary is less
than $13 billion a year. Within the scope of the Federal budget, this is merely a rounding error, at less than one tenth of
one percent of yearly spending — merely a rounding error. So,
when you hear the UC Regents, Congress and political interest
groups arguing about the intractability of the student debt crisis, cooking up complicated schemes that funnel money to Wall
Street banks and for-profit colleges, or employing security state
bureaucrats as UC presidents to protect investments-- ask them
where their priorities really are.
Strike Debt holds that we owe financial institution nothing,
whereas to our communities, families, and friends we owe
everything. We are pursuing a long-term strategy for national
and international organizing around this principle, in solidarity
with a global movement against debt and austerity. Debt should
be changed from an issue of a falsely naturalized responsibility
of the individual to a platform for collective action. This school
year, we invite you to join us. You are not a loan.


The UC Extractive System
The UC also extracts wealth from the exploitation of workers, as
its consistent history of Unfair Labor Practices speaks to- such as in
the worker intimidation during several of the past year’s contract
campaigns. The UC is increasingly trying to replace unionized
workers with contracted workers who do not have the same protections from unions and the right to collective bargaining.

The University of California is an active engine of the death

economy- An economy where our labor is exploited for the
extraction of natural resources and community wealth, while polluting our homes and bodies, all to generate power and
profit for a select few. The only way to uphold this system of
greed and destruction against the inevitable popular uprising,
is through a repressive military and police force.
The UC has every ingredient of this cycle. The UC extracts
wealth directly from its students, with the looming threat of
even more tuition hikes. For students who still find ways to
afford an education, structural racism and classism within
every level of the institution creates an un-safe zone for students to think critically and question the oppression that pervades our lives. Students leave burdened with debt and afraid
to engage in political resistance because of the pressure to find
paying jobs. Student movements have historically been some
of the most radical and transformative struggles for reimagining a new world- our silencing is strategic.
Tuition is not the only way that the UC profits from us. Student housing prices have skyrocketed, and the UC has removed the word “affordable” from its mission for these residences. The student families at the UC Village are experiencing
exploitative rent hikes, and at other UC campuses, student
housing has been completely demolished and replaced with
for-profit housing. This leaves its students without affordable
homes while also contributing to the further gentrification of
the neighborhoods around these properties.
Beyond housing, the UC extracts from us through its active
privatization of the most basic of our public resources for community power- like land. The commercial development of the
Gill Tract epitomizes this conversion, as historic farmland that
was once the site of innovative research in ecology-based agriculture is now under imminent threat of being paved for over
for a greenwashing, union-busting, big-box grocery store, that
contributes to monocropping, GMO, farmworker injustices,
and all that we know is wrong with the food system.


As students and researchers, we too are workers- and this labor in
the creation of ideas and knowledge is also being extracted from
us towards private gain. Our university and research programs are
increasingly funded by multinational corporations like BP, who
then gain power to shift our academic labor towards producing
biotechnology that advances their extractive industries and away
from critical thought and political education that could create
transformative solutions to confront austerity and privatization.
The UC profits off the patents from these ideas, and many administrators, particularly in the regents, also profit off of the wealth
generated by these private corporations, where they own stock or
other financial interests.
Through these and other nefarious ways, money and resources are
sucked out of us like blood from a rock, while administrator salaries continue to rise.
Even the capital that goes into our endowment, which we contribute to through student tuition, housing, resource privatization,
worker exploitation, and research patents- then gets used towards
other far-reaching harm and trauma to our bodies and planet.
Without our consent, the UC regents invest our community resources directly into fossil fuel extraction, big banks, prison industrial complex, and war- such as through their investments in
Israel's genocide of the Palestinian people.
These decisions are made without student, worker, or community
democratic participation. In fact, the UC is no democracy at all.
The UC Regents are not elected- they are appointed by the governor because of their wealth and political connections. Over the
years it has only become increasingly clear that student and community voices are blatantly ignored. The UC oligarchy is a micro-

cosmic portrait of the farce of our American Democracy at large.
The only way they could uphold such an unjust system is through
repression and force. We see that right here on campus with the
policing of our email ( emails can and will be read!),
security threats to our privacy, militarization of our UC police force, and police violence against student protestors. The President
of our University- Janet Napolitano- is an emblematic figurehead
of this transition. As the former head of homeland security, she
has overseen the deportation of millions of people, including UC
students, workers, and our families and communities.
The UC is an essential part of global systems of injustice, but we
have power as students, and we are the generation that can fix this!

It is our role and our power as students to transform our own
school into a place where we learn and vision what the world can
be and practice how to be active participants in change. Through
the struggle to transform our own institution, we join in solidarity
with struggles for freedom and liberty from oppression and injustice across the fabric of all our relations. This fall, by pushing for
our rights to speak and participate in the decisions made on our
behalf, we also take a huge step forward towards the creation of an
economy and a university that supports the planet, people, and
life itself.
Stop the extractive economy and create an economy for life!

not Words
“We’re fired up, can’t take it no more!”

o meaningfully reclaim and transform our university, we
have to organize and mobilize our communities to take poli-

tical action (usually direct action) that challenges the powers
that be. Every organizing meeting is an engagement with and
evaluation of different theories of social change, because we
discuss what actions to take to advance our political goals.
This information is intended to help you anticipate and navigate difficult conversations about direct action.

What is Direct Action (DA)?
Every sociopolitical system has built in mechanisms for change, and evolves over time. DA means taking actions “outside”
of these mechanisms, so that we can achieve what we want in
a way that doesn’t require us to rely on “established authorities”
or their processes. Direct Action means “immediately effective political acts, such as strikes, demonstrations, or sabotage.”
Sometimes this means doing things for ourselves without waiting for the powers that be. Sometimes it involves pressuring
authorities to move faster. Sometimes it involves interference
to prevent something from happening. Most of the time, DA
raises the stakes, is disruptive, gets attention, and carries risks to
the participants. DA is especially useful in situations where the
“usual channels” are the problem, where the system has been
designed to prevent real change. DA has been part of every
major progressive social movement that struggled to change an
entrenched status quo (e.g. labor movement, women’s suffrage,
civil rights, etc).

Why is it controversial?
From a very young age, most of us were taught a fundamentally “liberal” theory of social change. We are socialized to
believe that changes are made from within the institutions of
the system, and according to its rules (e.g. elections, petitions,
debates, etc). But like most dominant paradigm conditioning

we weren’t taught that this theory is just one possibility, just “one
way of doing things”. We were taught to see it as “the way things
are”, as an objective reality. So when we get together to start debating strategy, many of us present our theories of social change as
established truth, and resist challenging them. This makes it hard
to truly discuss and consider alternative hypotheses or strategies
for social change.
Another idea that makes it hard to talk about direct action is the
attitude that conflict and tension is bad. After all, a lot of what
we are trying to change in the world feels violent and oppressive. Theres always someone who will say that we need to embody
the peace that we seek to establish. And often times, established
authorities will make exactly the same appeal, telling us that they
want to discuss our concerns, but that direct actions are too confrontational, and not the way to establish negotiations and reach
compromise. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from a Birmingham
Jail” is worth reading in full, as it very eloquently points out that
tension and negotiation are complementary: “Nonviolent direct
action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a
community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to
confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no
longer be ignored….The purpose of our direct action program is
to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the
door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for

Liberal vs Radical
Radicals believe society is structurally flawed… that injustice is
not an accident or a moral failure, but rather that our system has
been designed to produce injustice. Liberals believe that the structures of the system allow for meaningful social change. Thus,
liberals tend to perceive politics as a contest between ideas: that
when enough people have been convinced to support a cause, the
new attitudes will be expressed through the existing structures


and institutions of the system. Radicals tend to perceive politics
as a power struggle between privileged and oppressed classes. The
function of the system’s institutions is to ensure the reproduction
of these inequalities, to preserve the privilege of those in power.
Direct action is a radical theory of social change.

Direct action gets the goods!
To radicals, the function of the institutions of society is to reproduce the status quo, which means to reproduce the problems we
are trying to address. In order to effect change, radicals intervene
to disrupt the normal functioning of these institutions, and in turn
the authorities must adapt, evolve, or abandon these institutions
to restore their ability to carry out their role - the reproduction of a
new status quo. In this view the status quo is not a static physical
reality, but rather a set of relations and functions, and without
people working hard everyday to make sure that the status quo
continues to reproduce itself, things will change.
Almost all student mobilizations, or grassroots campaigns implement direct action in some way. It is hard to think of a large
scale social movement that has been successful without it. This
history should encourage all of us, radical and liberal, to appreciate
the importance of the radical perspective. In fact, most people,
regardless of what they call themselves, express some mix of radical and liberal perspectives. For example, people who consider
themselves liberals will often advocate and engage direct action
strategies to raise awareness of an issue and pressure authorities to
enter into negotiations.


Recuperation is that process by which authorities take control
of the story of a social movement, even while making concessions to the power its built by challenging their authority. Social movements of the past were full of direct action, tension,
militance, conflict, and since they won great changes that are
now institutionalized and part of the status quo that the authorities are charged with reproducing, their stories must be told
so that people understand why the current status quo is what
it is. Recuperation involves erasing militance (e.g. by mischaracterizing nonviolent direct action as free of tension and conflict), and attributing gains made by social movements to less
volatile and controversial actors (e.g. by ignoring Malcolm X
while teaching the ‘early’ MLK, or by focusing on the civil
rights act which codified the gains of the social movement,
rather than on the tactics it took to push the government to
pass it. Recuperation also makes the past seem unique and iconic, severing our sense of connection to our history so that we
don’t see that we are, in fact, just carrying on the same struggle.
Two great reads on the topic of recuperation are "Why We
Are Militant," Emmeline Pankhurst (1913), and Bernardine
Dohrn’s “Letter to Young Activists: Beware 60’s Nostalgia”.
When the UC holds its official events commemorating the
Free Speech Movement this semester, we will be experiencing
a recuperated version of history.

WHO are Fossil Free Cal? Fossil Free Cal is UC Berkeley’s
branch of Fossil Free UC, a coalition of students, alumni, faculty, and staff who are committed to pushing the University
of California to divest the university's $7 billion endowment
from the top 200 fossil fuel companies and to divert these
funds into investments that build community power and address social and environmental injustice.
WHAT is divestment? Divestment is a tactic historically used
to stigmatize powerful and repressive institutions and entities,
like apartheid South Africa; by selling its holdings and banning
future investment in companies doing business in South Africa, the UC helped marginalize the apartheid regime. Likewise,
divesting from fossil fuels would mean that the UC sells all
stocks currently held in the top fossil fuel companies worldwide and places a ban on ever trading in fossil fuel stocks in the
WHY divestment? Divestment is one step towards a broader vision: a future where climate change has been curtailed,
communities manage their own resources free from corporate tyranny, and the power of the carbon industry has been
broken. By pushing local institutions to dump investments in
fossil fuels, we take tangible local action now while pressuring
policy makers on the state and federal level to take legislative action in the near future. This is especially pertinent for
public institutions because how can an organization dedicated to serving the public interest be financially dependent on

an industry undermining the planet's ecological balance, and
thus the future of the institution's constituents? And this logic
holds especially true for universities—as Bill McKibben points
out, "If [a] college's endowment portfolio has fossil-fuel stock,
then their educations are being subsidized by investments that
guarantee they won't have much of a planet on which to make
use of their degree." Divestment also makes economic sense.
Meaningful international action on climate change will have
to include keeping most of these companies' reserves in the
ground, which will mean a severe hit to the value of their stocks
-- and therefore to our endowment, if we keep our investments
in these companies.

Beyond Divestment:
Divestment is a tactic to achieve greater systemic change. This is
why Fossil Free Cal seeks to address climate justice issues more
directly by connecting with local communities who deal directly
with the effects of fossil fuel infrastructure sitting in their backyards. These frontline communities—usually working class
communities of color, who have always been disproportionately
affected by ecological degradation—are engaged in constant
struggle, lobbying and taking direct action against industrial
destruction, and could use student support. Connecting with
these groups can help maintain our long-term vision and keep
us accountable to the people most affected by the carbon industry.

CalSERVE is a progressive multicultural student coalition that
runs candidates for the ASUC and issue based campaigns.
We are a community organization that runs candidates through
the ASUC as a means to create student empowerment, social
consciousness, and social justice.
We hold the conviction that our campus has the ability to
make major social change and progress. CalSERVE believes
that the strongest change comes when people work together,
instead of alone or against each other


Organizing the Global North for food sovereignty.
Occupy the Farm (OTF), a collective of direct action organizers
from the San Francisco Bay Area, raises its voice against unsustainable development and the corporate take-over of our public
resources. OTF continues to fight against the UC’s plans for a
commercial development on the last 20 acres of a historic farm
and nursery known as the “Gill Tract”. This land was previously
dedicated to cutting-edge ecologically-based biocontrol research,
but the program was dismantled by the UC, and the land itself
has been paved over, parcel by parcel, over the last hundred
years. In 2012, and 2013, OTF led occupations of the land that
planted hundreds of pounds of food, encouraged Whole Foods
to pull out of the development plan, and saw the north 10 acres
transferred off the chopping block of Capital Projects to the supportive College of Natural Resources. The ongoing fight for the
remaining land has become an important battleground in the
struggle for land and food sovereignty in the Bay Area.



"Food sovereignty", a term coined by mem-

bers of La Via Campesina in 1996, asserts the right of
people to define their own food systems. Advocates
of food sovereignty put the individuals who produce,
distribute and consume food at the center of decisions
on food systems and policies, rather than the corporations and market institutions they believe have come
to dominate the global food system. - Wikipedia

Since the idea of food sovereignty emerged from the peasant
struggles of the “Global South”, how can the concept of “food
sovereignty” be meaningfully applied to those of us in the industrialized “Global North”? Our populations are so often divorced
from basic understandings of the natural world, and of agricultural human-nature relations. Likewise, we are so often detached
from democracy; we may say we like it, but do we know what
it takes to practice it? Do we have the skills of debating, deliberating, and deciding amongst many difficult trade-offs between
economy, ecology, and human equality? This is a tall order, especially when those who would theoretically do the deciding are
largely removed from the conditions of the issue they would be
debating. Such is the case with agriculture in the United States.
Just think: where did your breakfast come from? How many
decisions were made on its way to you?
In the process of adopting food sovereignty as a goal, OTF has
been in dialogue with social movements from the South, namely
Brazil’s Landless Peasants Movement (MST). The MST organizes hundreds of thousands of dispossessed peasants, occupying
and taking land from rich and neglectful landlords. After mutual
letters of support over the course of OTF’s occupation, OTF organizers were invited to be a part of an international delegation


to the MST’s National Congress this year, to learn and exchange
The recent experience of OTF shows that the occupation tactic,
along with a suite of accompanying tactics, values, and approaches, can actually do something for the movement towards food
sovereignty, even if its effects radically differ from those of movements in the South, like MST.
In a political moment (Occupy Wall Street) conducive to rule
breaking, and a historical situation where the land-managing
UC lacked legitimacy in the eyes of locals, OTF was well positioned to try something different; civil disobedience wasn’t just a
tactic pulled out of a hat. OTF critiqued all sorts of issues pertaining to food sovereignty by occupying ostensibly “public” land
that was off limits to the public, and combining this action with
legal, political, and media campaigns (members also filed EIR
lawsuits and ran for Albany council). The protests highlighted
the development of farmland; biotechnology; lack of democracy
in the UC; misallocation of research and extension resources;
and lack of opportunities for participation in local, public, or
commons land management. OTF even used the platform of
their successful action to highlight the dispossession of indigenous people from the very land they were “occupying”.
Urban agriculture combined with radical political analysis and
organization can help reconstitute peasant understandings and
democratic skills within the urban Global North. They can, in
certain cases of direct action to reclaim space, actually secure
land to further this project.
Thanks to OTF’s actions and longtime organizing from other
folks in the community and within the College of Natural Resources, the UC transferred control of about half the land from
Capital Projects, the real estate division of the University, to the
College of Natural Resources for 10 years (8 years remain). CNR
has stepped up to meet student and community demands in innovative ways, and is collaborating on a pilot project on 1.5 acres
of the land, featuring community-based research in agroecology and food sovereignty. The new Gill Tract Community Farm
project has received strong support from CNR and UC Cooperative Extension specialists, who have contributed substantial
time and funding to this new and path-breaking initiative.
This project is complete separate from OTF’s continued organizing against the development on the Gill Tract’s southern half,
but is an inspiring example of what can happen when a Public
University and community are given space to forge meaningful
collaboration.While the long-term tenure of the land is still tenuous, a transformation of the land, and the people who can
work it, has begun.

We call on our school to prioritize education by providing opportunities for hands-on engaged learning, and to fulfill its mission as
a Public University by expanding opportunities for communitydriven research serving community needs. We not only ask for this
innovative vision, we are actively engaged in creating this reality.

The 20 acres are uniquely suited to be developed as a model food
system that integrates farming, economics, culture, and public
health. This dynamic model could help make the UC system a
global leader on issues of food and farming, while improving student education through engaged and active learning.

As our first campaign, we are calling on the University of California, Berkeley to consider an alternative plan at the Gill Tract Farm
in Albany that better services student and community needs.

Student and community voices now join together!

A Food Initiative on the Gill Tract Farm
For close to 20 years, faculty, students, and local community have
protested the commercial development of the historic Gill Tract
Farm. These concerned stakeholders have crafted several alternative proposals, advocating for its preservation as an educational
resource. In 2012, after neighbors and students occupied the
land in protest of its commercial development, a 1.5 acre section
called "Area A" was saved and became a pilot project for a new
community-UC collaboration. That project is flourishing, and
we hope to see it grow to all 20 acres rather than the commercial
Meanwhile, the commercial development that would pave over
the south side of the Gill Tract is slated to begin next year. This
development design is out of touch with community and student
needs and will be damaging to the public health of the local community, including student families.

We urge UC Berkeley administration, the UC Regents, and President Napolitano to halt the current development plan for the
Gill Tract Farm and enter into a collaborative design process with
students and community for the entire Gill Tract Farm.
Co-Sponsors for Petition: Fossil Free Cal, Student Organic Garden Association, Grow the Revolution, Berkeley Student Food
Cooperative, UAW 2865, Movement Generation, Planting Justice, Phat Beets Produce, Gill Tract Farm Coalition, Occupy the
Farm, Food First, Albany Farm Alliance, Grassroots International,
Hormigas Organicas, Rooted in Community, Sustainable Economies Law Center, Biosafety Alliance

Come to our first meeting of the Fall 2014 semester to get
involved and hang out with rad folks! We’ll be on the steps of
Dwinelle at:

6pm on Thursday, September 4th.
There will be pizza!

The Struggle for Affordable Family
Housing at UC Berkeley

t is the policy of UC Berkeley to exploit student families.
at UC Village Family Housing have reached an all-time

high putting units at or above market rates. Originally created
to be a supportive and affordable environment for students
with families, UC Village is now little more than a revenue
source for the university.
The administrators for Residential and Student Services Programs (RSSP), the department that operates student housing,
are very aware of the dire financial circumstances of residents.
For two decades residents have taken part in countless meetings with administrators, given public testimonials to the UC
Board of Regents, conducted surveys, written reports, produced documentaries, authored petitions, and staged protests.
In 2004, residents even filed a lawsuit against the UC Board
of Regents over the demolition of affordable housing. Despite these student efforts, the administration continued forward
with its profit driven agenda.
In flagrant disregard for the recommendations of the Future of
Student Family Housing Task Force conducted in 1997, the
university began the first wave of affordable housing demolition in 1998-2000. Replacement units, while aesthetically
pleasing, were no longer affordable with rents essentially doubling (1-2). The findings of the task force composed of both
students and RSSP administrators stated that rates should have
been kept 15% below market rate. It also recommended that
subsidies and scholarships should be used for rent assistance
for poor families. Coincidentally, the same administrators present on the task force have received rises in both pay and rank
within the administration (3).
Administrators have long paid lip service to affordable housing (4). However the actions taken by RSSP indicate the
university's true agenda. Yearly rent increases are a recurring
event. Based on the records found, RSSP has increased rents
every year with a single exception in 2009. During a meeting
between the Village Residents Association (VRA) and RSSP,
regarding rent increases where the VRA presented evidence
from the 2013 Affordability Survey indicating that 70% of
families survive on less than a living wage, and 45% are reliant


on food assistance (5), a RSSP administrator told the VRA
to give them an argument against rent increases that was not
morally based.
As with previous increase, the 3% rent hike implemented in
July of 2014 will not lead to the improvement of the services
for residents and was never intended for that purpose. Based
on the financial information provided by RSSP the rent that
residents pay not only fully covers UC Village operating costs
but also generates a surplus which goes back to RSSP. Ironically, despite the overall atmosphere of austerity and repetitive
explanations from RSSP that there is no money for improvements to village services, RSSP administrators have received
consistent increases in salary.
During a recent community meeting in response to a series
of assaults and armed robberies in the village, the Assistant
Vice Chancellor of RSSP stated that the budget does not allow
for a police officer to patrol the Village at night after 11pm.
Absent from this conversation however, was the fact that the
Vice Chancellor of RSSP received an 18.6% bonus in 2013,
($25,000) as well as raises of 11.3% in 2012 and 7.71% in
It is time for the university to stop balancing its budget on the
backs of student families. Please join us as we demand the
administration listen the community and make good on their
promises of affordability.
To support student families, sign the petition: http://chn.
For more information, contact the VRA at

(1) “Through the Roof: Village Rent Rises“ Daily Californian, September 9 1998.
(2) “An Angry Village” East Bay Express, April 28 2000
(3) Recommendations from the Future of Student Family Housing Task Force. February 3, 1997
(4) 2004 UC Village Master Plan


Richmond Bay Campus
The Richmond community is mobilizing as UC Berkeley

moves forward with plans to build the Richmond Bay Campus (RBC), a research facility that is slated to be three-fourths
the size of the Berkeley campus, and see a volume of 10,000
faculty, students, and workers per day.
“We want to have access and be included in the process. We
want our kids to be able to go to the UC and maybe some day
they can work there,” says Richmond community member
and UC bus driver Luster Howard, describing the position of
a coalition of community organizations that has emerged to
address issues associated with the new campus.
With 69% of its residents being people of color, Richmond
is a community known as much for its diversity, as it is for
poverty, pollution, and high crime rates. The current median
household income in Richmond is $10,000 below state average. For a city of 100,000, Richmond has some of the highest
crime and incarceration rates in the bay area. There are 450500 people getting paroled back to Richmond each year, with
a quarter coming from state prison.
The city of Richmond has also become somewhat of a poster
child for a phenomenon known as environmental racism, in
which the backyards of poor communities of color are targeted for toxic industries and industrial dumping grounds. The
city is surrounded by three chemical companies, eight Superfund sites, and five major oil refineries, including a Chevron
facility that is known for a pattern of negligence leading to
explosions and fires. As a result of this toxic environment, the
childhood asthma rate in Richmond is twice the national average, at about 17%. The asthma rate among adults living in
Richmond at least 15 years is more than double that for children, at 45%, and the community is also plagued by high rates
of cancer, heart disease, and other respiratory problems.
A coalition of interfaith and community groups in Richmond


is expressing concern that any development that the UC brings
to their community help to address, rather than exacerbate, these issues. Residents are asking that UC Berkeley begins to take
precautions so that they can bring justice to the community.

Among the coalitions’ demands:

Investment in Richmond schools to help disrupt the
school-to-prison pipeline and offer Richmond’s children the
chance at a UC education.

Environmental protections ensuring that RBC will not
be another source of pollution in Richmond.

Affordable housing policy to fight the effects of increasing property rents stemming from development on vulnerable

Local hiring policies, with particular consideration given to applicants transitioning out of incarceration.

No outsourcing, so that all workers at UC-RBC will be
UC employees, with the attendant benefits and union representation.
The university is so-far being tight-lipped with details about
the Richmond expansion and has refused to make any concrete
commitments to the community.
But students are specially positioned to take a stand and build
awareness to pressure the university to do the right thing on
these issues. By joining with and supporting the Richmond
community, we can use our position to hold the university accountable to its mission of serving all California communities.
You can get involved by a couple of ways: (1) come to the first
meeting of the UC Student Labor Committee, and (2) register for the 2nd Annual Student Labor Organizing Conference,
October 25th at Berkeley. This is a conference organized and
attended by student activists from across the UCs, where we
can learn organizing skills, learn more about issues and campaigns that UC students are working on, and organize together
to bring justice to our communities.

British Petroleum and the Energy
Biosciences Institute

Edward R. Murrow: Who owns the patent on this vaccine?
Jonas Salk: Well, the people, I would say. There is no patent.
Could you patent the sun?

ustainable energy research is of critical importance today given the various environmental and economic crises we face.

Unfortunately, the BP-EBI contract between British Petroleum and UC Berkeley’s Energy Biosciences Institute is fundamentally flawed because 1) it threatens the academic integrity
and diversity of UC Berkeley, 2) has blatant conflicts of interest and pushes a fossil fuel research agenda in the form of genetically modified microbes used for tar sands oil extraction, and
3) because BP has proven its untrustworthiness as a defender
of public good, as evident from BP’s devastating oil spill in the
gulf of Mexico only 4 years ago.
The BP-EBI deal is a corporatization scheme aimed at the
world’s #1 public education and research institute, which
socializes the costs and privatizes the benefits of a massive,
long-term research venture. For $500M -which amounts to
only 0.01% of BP’s annual gross profit of $45Billion- BP has
bought the patent rights of up to 30% of the results produced
by the top minds of the EBI for 10 years, between 2007 and
2017, with rumors of an extension of 5 more years. This ensures that the EBI’s top researchers either find no useful alternative to fossil fuels –since a primary research focus of the EBI is to
make it “easier to access hard-to-reach domestic oil reserves [in
order to] help ensure that oil remains part of a diverse mix of
energy choices”1- or that BP owns the patents to the products
which could threaten the profits of the oil-military industrial
The vast ocean of conflicts of interest within the BP-EBI deal
are well beyond the scope of this article; hence, I will only focus on two major conflicts of interest evident in the composition of two key entities of the EBI :
1) The governing board of the EBI which “has the responsibility to define, oversee, and review the implementation of EBI
programs in the open component of research [and which] also

appoints the EBI Director and Deputy Director”2 is primarily
influenced by BP representatives. The governing board composition (8 members) is as follows:
4 BP executives
2 UC Berkeley administrators
1 University of Illinois administrator
1 LBNL executive
The EBI’s Executive Committee which is “the primary
steward of the EBI’s mission implementation [in that it] reviews and recommends the yearly research program and develops operating policies and practices”3 is almost entirely
bought and paid for by BP. The executive board composition
(13 members) is as follows:
2 BP executives
1 major stockholder in "Mendel Biotechnology" which
develops cellulosic biofuels (one of the EBI’s research areas),
and in which BP has major equity stakes
10 academic faculty, 9 of whose research is funded by BP
Given this evidence, it is clear that the BP-EBI contract was
only approved because its advocates misrepresented the intentions of BP and the implications of such partnership. Those
advocates maliciously ignored convincing appeals to rationality and morality by prominent faculty, students, and community members.

For more information visit:

h t t p : / / w w w. a m e r i c a n p r o g r e s s . o r g / i s s u e s / g r e e n / r e port/2010/10/14/8484/big-oil-goes-to-college


1 -
2 -
3 -


Silenced Exodus
Detainees sleep and watch television in a holding cell
where hundreds of mostly Central American immigrant
children are being processed at a U.S. Customs.

Imagine yourself living in the third world, while dreaming of

the first. Imagine yourself observing the way poverty determines your living standards, in stark contrast to how the luxuries
of the first world enriches life beyond your Central American
borders. Imagine yourself unable to attend school regularly
due to your obligation to work in order to provide for your
family, while knowing that students, thousands of miles away,
receive a world-class education that absolves them of the need
to engage in child labor. Imagine sitting down in a run-down
classroom decorated with bullet holes, and dreaming about
migrating to a place where you could learn in massive lecture
halls . Imagine yourself believing that the simple act of leaving
your country will give you a chance at living a better life. Imagine yourself making the decision to emigrate from the only
country you have ever known, in hopes of reaching a country
that (you believe) will welcome your limitless potential.
Media outlets and national legislators across the United States
have recently returned their focus towards the humanitarian
crisis of the ever-increasing amounts of children arriving at the
nation’s border, seeking a life free from economic chaos and
physical violence. Many have wondered how these children
have the confidence to pursue their transnational goals, yet understand and applaud their intention to make the best of their
limited opportunities. Unfortunately, many are still ignorant
of from the kind of realities these leaders of tomorrow are seeking to escape.


While international headlines are describing the extreme hardships of transnational migration, thousands of Central American children are unable to address or define their struggles
in their own words. As we commemorate and pay tribute to
the 50th anniversary of the Free Speech Movement, and the
fight they inspired our generation to carry, let us reflect on how
these ambitious young children are being portrayed in the media. Let us acknowledge how their freedom of speech is being
overridden due to our nation’s unwillingness to bestow these
children with the means to communicate their hopes for their
Next time you see these children make headlines, don’t be so
quick to wonder: “Why the United States? What’s wrong with
their home country?,” or “Will 57,000 children really be enrolling this upcoming fall in schools across the nation?” Instead,
what we should be asking is: “What college do you plan on
attending? What do you desire in giving back to your parents
and community? What are your plans for the future?,” or
“What would you change about your homeland?” These type
of questions reframe the coverage documenting their struggle
by diminishing the stereotypical questions commonly asked,
and instead seek to understand the voice of the voiceless, who
are eager to utilize their freedom of speech to tell their stories
on their own terms.

Students for Justice in
Palestine at UC Berkeley
Today’s situation has
three main characteristics

n the West Bank and Gaza
Palestinians live under

military occupation. Their
land is stolen to create settlements and the Apartheid wall.
Hundreds of military checkpoints block their movement.
The occupation violates their
human rights.
We believe Palestinians have
the right not to live under occupation.
Inside Israel, Palestinians are
discriminated against through
30 laws that deny them access
to land, resources, and equal
rights. We believe that Palestinians deserve equal rights in a democratic state.
Palestinians who were forced out of their homes in 1948 are forced to remain refugees and not allowed to return because of their
ethnic/religious identity. We believe that Palestinian refugee rights
should be respected and promoted.

What is UC Berkeley’s role?
The University of California invests student tuition and other income into various stocks and funds. Several of those companies
are currently profiting from and enabling Israel’s violation of Palestinian rights. Some of these companies are Caterpillar, which
provides bulldozers that are used to destroy Palestinian homes and
farms, CRH, which provides building material for illegal settlements, and HP, which provides monitoring equipment to regulate
Palestinian movement through the checkpoint system in the West

What can we do?
We believe that our university should not be invested in corporations that contribute to violations of human rights and international law. We can pressure the University of California to stop
investing in these corporations. This will send a message to these
companies that their behavior is wrong and needs to change. This
is a form of non-violent pressure that has worked in the past, most
notably to pressure the South African government to give up a
very similar program of racial discrimination and segregation.
You can find out more and get involved by visiting us online at We also recommend and www. as news resources.

We are all
On August 9, 2014, the murder of Michael Brown, a 18

year old black in Ferguson, MO erupted into riots & protests against the racist police. Every 28 hours, a Black person
is killed by police or other person acting as a vigilante. The
Ferguson rebellions has sparked a flame that has only gotten
brighter and shows little sign of withering away. It has galvanized not only Missouri, but also people in the U.S. and
around the world. An example that shows the solidarity and
connection Ferguson shared with the world are the instances
where Palestinians have been giving tips through social media
on dealing with the police force’s daily barrage of tear gas and
It is no surprise why the response by the Ferguson black community has been large and rebellious. It is a small city with a
population of 21,000, where almost 70% of the population
is Black and authorities are almost all white. To cite just one
example, only three of the 53 city police officers are black.
The unemployment rate for black youth (16 to 24 years) is
47%, while for white youth it is 16%. Moreover, Missouri
was the last US state to abolish slavery. These figures start to
paint a picture that is shared by the Black and Brown working class communities in most neighborhoods, ghettoes and
projects of the nations elsewhere.
The militarized attack on the Ferguson protesters also added
fuel to the indignation the community and the nation. The
first night of the protests faced attack and repression by the
local police, but more and more people showed up days/
nights after. Protests had gone from hundreds to thousands,
with some having more than 7000 people at the demonstrations. Local fast food workers, (who’ve been organizing for the
Fight for 15$ minimum wage campaign and for unionization)
other labor union members, ministers and church members,
students, and many sectors have come out to join the protests
in solidarity. St. Louis mayor and Missouri governor called out
the National US Guard and put forward a curfew after midnight to repress and try to stop the protests, but the Ferguson
people have shown courage in coming out to not be silenced,
with the support of activists from other cities and states who
came out to Ferguson to fight along.
As students, workers, and communities at Cal, we should also
support the call of Ferguson protests against police brutality
and militirization by organizing against the militirization of
the UCPD (police department) at UC Berkeley and the against all repression by the police and campus administration.







A Brief Look into

Student Worker Solidarity
at UC Berkeley
and in the UC System

UC Berkeley and the University of California system have

a strong and proud hxstory of student and worker solidarity, building coalitions that successfully resist privatization and
austerity measures that heavily affect marginalized communities on our campuses. One does not have to look far back to see
the extraordinary power that students and workers have when
they join together to fight back – just last November, students
and workers came together to participate in the largest strike in
UC hxstory. More than 30,000 students and workers united to
protest the intimidation of our campus workers by the administration during their contract negotiations. This is just one of
the many examples of the strength that students and workers
posses when they join forces and organize against the tyranny
of the University and its Board of Regents.
Student worker solidarity isn’t new, and one needs to look back
only a couple of years to truly understand how the University of California and the State of California have exacerbated
the need for students and workers to stand together. In 2009,
the UC Board of Regents approved a 32% increase in tuition,
putting tuition at an all-time high of over $10,000. This came
about as a result of the State’s lack of prioritizing higher education (by reducing state aid by $650 million in 2009 and $500
million in 2010 because of a budget deficit), combined with


the University’s own budget deficit. In response, students and
workers came together to fight against these tuition hikes, as
well as to protest the intimidation practices of the UC against its
workers. Workers went on strike while students took over Wheeler Hall to demonstrate that students and workers do not take
their marginalization lightly. In response, the University called
in police from various counties and agencies to repress the protesters. As the demonstrations continued, administration and
police escalated their use of violence and intimidation resulting
in the arrest of students and faculty across the UC, as well as
injuring hundreds of students with their use of batons and rubber bullets. As Sacramento continued to decrease state funding,
the Board of Regents continued their policy of tuition increases
by approving an 8% hike in November of 2010 and a 9.6%
hike in the summer of 2011. Students and workers continued
to organize, and continued to face police brutality, such as when
protesters were kept away from the Regents’ meeting through
the use of tear gas and batons; at one point, the police even drew
their guns on students.
The following year, students and workers again had to come
together when the Board of Regents proposed an 81% increase
in tuition. An organization composed of students and workers,
calling themselves the Coalition for Public Education, organized mass walk-outs and teach-outs in November, converging

with Occupy Cal’s seizure of Sproul Plaza. The administration
responded by sending police to break up the peaceful protest by
using batons to beat students and faculty, dragging some by the
hair and ultimately arresting them. UC Berkeley administration
and police were met with mass media exposure and widespread
criticism over their excessive use of force, and the way that Provost
George Breslauer and Chancellor Birgeneau responded to protest
and criticisms. Students, faculty and workers called for a general
strike across the UC--which was also met with police brutality, as
evident through the UC Davis pepper spraying incident. Ultimately, however, the organizing of students and workers prevented
the 81% increase of tuition.
Student-worker solidarity didn’t stop there. The following year,
students and workers once again came together to push through
Proposition 30, which proposed an increase in taxes to supply institutions of higher education with much needed revenue, and to
avoid a 20.3% tuition hike that would happen if the proposition
failed. Students and workers also came together as major unions
on our campus (AFSCME Local 3299, UAW 2865, and UPTE
-CWA 9199) began contract negotiations to renew their contracts.
Unsurprisingly, the University continued its efforts to further
oppress marginalized communities on our campus by denying
workers job security, safe staffing levels, and wage increases, and
slashing health and pension plans. Workers were under constant
attack as their jobs were being cut, they were being forced out by
attrition, and they were continually being overworked and injured
for inadequate wages while their respective unions were being further undermined. In the same year that Proposition 30 was passed,
students and workers united to prevent the firing of five workers
in Eshleman Hall. As negotiations continued, the union was forced into a strike to protest understaffing and a decline in patient
safety in the UC’s medical centers; but instead of being allowed to
participate in their legally protected right to strike, workers were
faced with intimidation tactics on behalf of their supervisors and
administration. As a result, AFSCME Local 3299, with support
from students and other unions such as UAW 2865 (the union
that represent GSI’s, readers and tutors), went on strike against
Unfair Labor Practices on behalf of the UC. This was a historic
strike, as students and workers from nine campuses and five hospitals across the UC joined the picket line in an effort to show
the University that intimidation tactics and attacks on collective
power would not be tolerated. Even though this strike became the
largest strike in UC hxstory, the university still refused to grant
workers fair wage increases and staffing protections (even though
it had granted this for other unions). As a result, AFSCME Local
3299 called for a five-day strike set for March 2014--but just days

before the trike was set to begin, the University finally caved
under the pressure and the two sides reached an agreement.
These countless victories would not have been possible
without students and workers coming together to fight back
against a university system that does not prioritize the needs
of its primary stakeholders. This lack of prioritization is evident not only in the ways that the university uses violence to
suppress the freedoms of speech and assembly, but also in the
ways that the university prioritizes individual’s needs before
the needs of students and workers, two entities which are necessary to make our university function. It is now, more than
ever, that student-worker solidarity is imperative because even
when administrators funnel money out of students and workers and into their own pockets, and even when the university continues to further oppress our most marginalized and
underrepresented communities on campus, and even though
we continue to struggle day in and day out against physical,
emotional and mental violence, we will rise and we will succeed, together. Even in the face of all these struggles, the beauty
is always in the rise and with students and workers standing
together, what a beautiful and strong rise it’ll be.

Want to Get Involved with Organizing on Campus
Come to the Student labor Organizing Conference (SLOC)
on October 25th Email:

Know your Berkeley Unions

AFSCME (American Federation of State, County
and Municipal Employees) Local 3299 represents over 22,000
service and patient care workers across the UC.

UAW Local 2865 represents over 12,000 academic
student employees – readers, tutors, TAs, and others across the

UPTE (University Professional and Technical Employees- Communication Workers of America)-CWA 9119
represents over 10,000 healthcare, research and technical employees across the UC

UC-AFT represents about 10,000 non-tenured faculty, lecturers, and librarians at the UC.

Teamsters Local 2010 represents over 14,000 administrative assistants, cashiers, library assistants and other clerical workers



What is capitalism? Why should it be opposed? Does the

current crisis mark the beginning of capitalism’s end such that
we’ll be in some new social formation(s) by 2040? What is
the relation between higher education and rising tuition on
the one hand and capitalism and neoliberalism on the other?
Finally, what are some principles around which left strategy
might orient itself in the struggle to build a radical democratic
egalitarian alternative to capitalism?
I think these are important questions and, given the limited
space, will briefly respond to them here. Nothing I say here
hasn’t already been said: I’ve included citations and suggestions
for further reading so that you can pursue these ideas at greater
length. Because this guide is aimed at university students, I presume you, like me, find truth in the old adage that knowledge is power. If we are to overcome and subdue structures of
domination and injustice and build better social institutions,
we’ll need some sophisticated knowledge. Thus, rigorous and
continual education—reading, writing, critique, debate, and
embodied experience—is a necessary precondition for social
emancipation. I hope this essay contributes toward that end.

I foreground capitalism here for three reasons. First, capitalism
is important: it’s a key social structure now spanning the entire
globe and determining to a significant extent the nature and
quality of life on Earth for humans and non-humans alike.
Second, capitalism is not necessary: other social formations
have preceded it and will succeed it. Third, activists on the left
appear to lack a decent understanding of it. Something which
significantly determines the world, is causing significant harms


and injustices, and which can be gotten rid of--and yet, is not
well understood by activists--suggests to me it’s worth writing
This essay is about capitalism and thus holds for any purported
variation of it, e.g., so-called conscious capitalism, green capitalism, etc. Because describing what capitalism is is a big task, my
response is necessarily limited to briefly discussing its defining
features. I should also note that I approach capitalism largely
from a framework grounded in Marxian political economy.
Although my undergraduate education included numerous
classes in the economics department, my experience working
in an investment and technology firms has since indicated to
me that neoclassical economics often both obscures important
political and moral considerations and can present misleading
view of what actually-existing capitalism is like and how it
works. I’ve since found Marxian and Neo-Marxian theoretical
framework to provide a much more compelling and powerful
way to understand capitalism, particularly as it pertains questions of social power.
All that said, let’s try to define it. Capitalism is a social formation in which the primary objective is the endless accumulation of capital (Wallerstein 2004: 23-4). To be sure, objectives other than the endless accumulation of capital can and do
exist in capitalism. For instance, the objective of many nonprofit institutions is not to accumulate capital but to care for
marginalized and exploited humans and non-humans. Nevertheless, even non-profits are constrained by the endless accumulation of capital because all non-profit-producing institutions in capitalism ultimately necessarily obtain their funding
from capital and must be subordinate to that aim. Moreover,
many non-profits are constrained by the interests of their major funders which are, as we should expect, wealthy capitalists
(or the “philanthropic” foundations they create). Thus, what

it means for the endless accumulation of capital to be the dominant objective in capitalism is that, in situations of conflict
with other aims, the endless accumulation of capital must be
systematically prioritized, whether by excluding these other
aims or subordinating them.Three other core features can be
said to define capitalism: i) private property in the means of
production, implying a class division between owners (capitalists) and producers (workers), ii) a “free” labor market in
which workers are both freed from bondage to a particular
master (as in slavery or feudalism) and freed from the means
of subsistence and production, i.e., the resources which would
enable them to be free from the labor market in the first place,
and iii) markets in which agents privately contract with one
another to exchange commodities (Fraser 2014).
It would be wrong, however, to think that in capitalism
everything can be turned into a commodity to be sold in the
market. Indeed, at least three key entities within capitalism
can not be commodified: i) social reproduction, including
the work of caring for and renewing social bonds, housework,
child-raising, education ii) the work performed by non-human natures, including rivers and streams, a hospitable climate, bees and other pollinators, the nitrogen cycle, evaporation
and condensation, various bacteria, photosynthesis, the ozone
layer, and iii) the work of public powers, including enforcing
the legal institutions of private property and contracts, adjudicating disputes, guaranteeing the value of money, and quelling
anti-capitalist social movements (Fraser 2014; see also Moore
2014a: 291-6 and Moore 2014b).
If capitalism is a social formation predicated on the endless
accumulation of capital, what is capital? Capital is both a thing
and a process (Harvey 2014: 70-1) and can be understood as
money which is perpetually seeking more money. While all capital must therefore be convertible into money, not all money
is capital. For instance, the money you use to purchase and
consume a meal is not capital because the money is being used
for consumption, not investment. If you had so much money
that you didn’t have to use it all simply to purchase and consume the commodities necessary for you to live, and you further decided to invest some of this extra money by purchasing
ownership in a business, this money would turn into capital
because it would now be seeking to accumulate itself through
the production of profit. In short, money is not capital when
it buys stuff to be consumed; money is capital when it’s in the
process of its self-expansion.
If capital is money in the process of its self-expansion, how is
capital produced? While there are a number of ways, the major
formally legal way capital is produced in capitalism is when an
owner (a capitalist) takes a bunch of money and buys means
of production (machinery, land, and raw materials) and labor
power (the capacity to work that workers sell as a commodity), and combines these two to produce a commodity that the
capitalist then sells on the market for more money than was
used to produce the commodity (Harvey 2014: 71-2). Marx
devised a formula to represent the process: M–C–M’ or M­­–C(MP + LP)–M+Δ where M = money, C = commodities,
MP = means of production, LP = labor power, Δ = a profit,
and M’ = M+Δ.

The University of California is not separate from capitalism,
it is embedded within it. Like every institution which doesn’t
produce profit, it depends on capital for funding. As a public
institution, the UC is to be funded, in principle, by government tax revenue (recall that governments, because they don’t
significantly own the means of production, must tax capital to
acquire the money needed to fund its operations.) What percentage of the UC’s funding would you estimate comes from
the government in the form of guaranteed funding? You might
be surprised to learn that for 2013-4, just 10.4% of UC’s funding comes from “state general funds” (see pp.S-6 of the UC
budget report). While another 15.5% comes from “government grants and contracts”, these are considered “non-core”
because they are not of the same quality as the “core” general
state funds. The decline in government funding to the UC
has been accompanied with rising tuition and fees such that
the UC now receives more money from tuition and fees than
it does from core government funding (ibid.)! These are but a
few of the results of years of the neoliberalization of the UC,
due in no small part to the practices of senior administrators,
including the various campus presidents and the Regents.
Raising the tuition and privatizing the funding of public higher
education has several significant political effects. First, raising
tuition reduces the number of people who can access it because access to it is increasingly governed by ability to pay (recall
that capitalism produces a highly class stratified society). As the
price goes up, and increasingly squeezed working class finds it
difficult to afford without going into debt. Thus, the second
effect is that price and/or indebtedness disciplines students and
their families to reimagine themselves less so as students and
more so as future employees and entrepreneurs and to reimagine the university less so as a place to develop critical thinking
skills and critical knowledge—perhaps of racism, patriarchy
and sexism, social justice, and capitalism, etc.—and more so
as a marketplace to acquire the skills and social networks to
make oneself into a competitive future employee or entrepreneur. While the first is perhaps obvious, the second is more
subtle but just as important. Finally, privatizing the funding of
public higher education reduces its democratic accountability
and curtails academic freedom. Whereas indebtedness can discipline students and their facilities toward majors which teach
business, science, and engineering and away from critical social
and political theory, privatizing the funding of public higher
education introduces pressures to defund the departments
which pursue critical studies of subjects like capitalism. If the
means of knowledge production, including universities, are increasingly funded by the wealthy, i.e., the capitalist class, you
can bet they will be less interested in funding social science and
humanities departments which produce critical knowledge of
capitalism and other structures of domination. And even if department funding doesn’t change, faculty hiring decisions and
what new programs are created increasingly come under the
purview of the funders’ political interests.


10 Rules for
Police Encounters
#1: Remain Calm and Cool

>Be respectful. Remain in control of your words, tone of voice,
and body language

#2: You have the right to remain silent

>You must assert this right by informing an officer that you are
going to remain silent
>This is not evidence of guilt, and does not give the officer the
right to arrest or search you

#3: You have the right to refuse searches

>“I don’t consent to searches”
>This may or may not stop the search, but will help you in
court if it comes to that

>Pay close attention to details

>Remember the order of events
>Never tell an officer you’re about to make a complaint – it will
make the immediate encounter more difficult
>Note the officer’s name and badge number
>Use any device you can to record the encounter (pen and paper, even)
>In California, you can legally record police activity

#10: You don’t have to let them into your home

>They can’t come in without a search warrant

>Unless you invite them in
>If you decide you want to talk to them, step outside and close
the door behind you
>Simply state, ”I can’t let you in without a warrant”

#4: Don’t get tricked

3 Constitutional Amendments that protect your
rights during a police encounter

#5: Determine if you are free to go

1: The Fourth Amendment: “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.” do not
consent to search

#6: If possible, don’t expose yourself to police encounters

2: The Fifth Amendment: “No person…shall be compelled in
any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law…”
tell the officer that you are going to remain silent

>Police can legally lie to you.

>Ask, “Are you detaining me, or am I free to go?”

>This phrase establishes that the encounter is
not voluntary

>Think about whether anything you’re doing might attract
unnecessary police attention

#7: Don’t run

>Stay calm and assert your rights

3: The Sixth Amendment: “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right…to have the assistance of counsel for
his defense” ask for a lawyer

Remember 3 important phrases:

> You could be charged with felony assault, beaten, or tased

1) “I’m going to remain silent, and I’d like to see a lawyer.”
2) “I don’t consent to searches.”
3) “Am I free to go?”

#9: Report misconduct. Be a good witness.


#8 Never touch a cop


East Bay Resources
Community Gardens in the East Bay you NEED to
Student Organic Garden
Corner of Virginia & Walnut Streets, Berkeley
Managed by UC Berkeley students! Fun and hands-on DeCals
offered here! Just North of campus.
Open Hours:

10:00 am – 2:00 pm
Gill Tract Community Farm
San Pablo & Marin Avenues, Albany
The 1.5 acre area that is the Community Farm was designated
for community-student partnership & research after a 2012
occupation by Occupy the Farm.

Spiral Gardens
2380 Sacramento Street, Berkeley.

Strong Roots Garden
Corner of Sacramento & Woolsey, Berkeley.

Berkeley Free Clinic
“Health care is a basic human right and should not be linked to
Medical and dental care, STI testing, peer counseling.
Location / Contact
2339 Durant Avenue, Berkeley. 1-800-6-CLINIC

Berkeley Farmer’s Markets
Farmers, musicians, community members. lovely people and
atmosphere every time.
Downtown Berkeley:
Center Street & Martin Luther King, Jr. Way
10:00 am – 3:00 pm
South Berkeley:
Adeline Street & 63rd Street
2:00 pm – 6:30 pm
North Berkeley:
Shattuck Avenue & Rose Street
3:00 pm – 7:00 pm

East Bay Food Not Bombs
Reclaims, cooks and serves healthy vegan food to the community 6 days a week. Anyone can help regardless of skill. Each day
of the week has its own cook house and style that goes with it.
Check out the different servings to find the crew you can get
down with.
Locations / Hours to COOK
Newman Hall. 2700 Dwight Way, Berkeley.
First Congregational Church of Oakland. 2501
Harrison Street, Oakland.
Wednesday: St. Johns Presbyterian Church. 2727 College Avenue, Berkeley.
First Presbyterian Church. 27th Street & Broadway, Oakland. (enter at 27th St)
for Berkeley location, call 510-982-6589.

3090 King Street, Berkeley. (across from Malcolm X Elementary, enter thru wooden gate)
call 510-393-0164 for location.
Locations / Hours to EAT
People’s Park, Berkeley. 3:00 pm
People’s Park, Berkeley. 3:00 pm
Wednesday: People’s Park, Berkeley. 3:00 pm
Recycling Center at 34th & Peralta Streets,
Oakland. around 1:30 pm

People’s Park, Berkeley. 3:00 pm
14th & Jefferson Streets, Oakland. after 3:00

Volunteer operated non-profit bicycle education resource. Provides DIY/DIT (Do it Yourself/Do it Together) workshops with
knowledge, tools, and parts for the community to access.
Location / Contact
813 37th Street, Oakland. 510-852-9253
WTQ (Women, Trans, Queer): every Saturday, 12:00 pm – 4:00

Community bike shop with DIY tools.
1752 Alcatraz Avenue, Berkeley.
Street Level Cycles
Community bike shop. Work on your bike for free, get help/advice, volunteer for used parts.
Location / Contact
84 Bolivar Drive, Berkeley. 510-644-2577


Want to help? Cut this out & spread it around.

First public meeting:
Tuesday, September 9th, 6:30pm.
Location to be released.

Item sets