Duke Disorientation Guide 2002


Current View


Duke Disorientation Guide 2002




Durham, North Carolina

extracted text

Duke Progressive

Disorientation Guide

The Duke Progressive Alliance is a
member organization of undergraduate students
committed to social, economic, and environmental justice;
human rights; democracy; and freedom. We are opposed to
all forms of oppression. Our mission is to preserve, promote
and defend these values in our campus community and beyond.
We are committed to equality within our group and thus are nonhierarchal and make decisions by consensus. We seek to build alliances with other campus clubs and organizations who share our
values and goals. We hope to serve as a means whereby likeminded individuals may share ideas and resources. For more
information visit our website at www.duke.edu/web/dpa
or join our listserve by emailing “subscribe progressive”
to majordomo@duke.edu

Table of

The View From the Left
Who We Are
A People’s History of Duke University

In, Out, and the Closet Door
Looking Inward for Change
The Rape of Mr. Smith
White Privilege

An Activist’s History of Duke University
Allen Building Takeover
Student-Worker Organizing at Duke Hospital
Student-Employee Solidarity
We Want Asian-American Studies!

Ten Reasons
Threats to Your Civil Liberties
Heterosexual Questionnaire
What is Heterosexual Privilege?

Training for War
Discussing Eating Disorders
Are You An Anarchist?
American Academia and the Middle East

McDuke, The Loop, and Our Administration
No More Outsourcing!
Living Wage Now!
That Food Didn’t Grow Itself

Are My Hands Clean?
Tips & Reflections for Student Activists
Get Active!
Get Educated!
Kill Your Television!
Disorient Yourself

**The content of this book reflects the opinions of the individual authors and
editors and does not necessarily reflect the opinions or consensus of the
Duke Progressive Alliance. **

The View from the Left

o·ri·en·ta·tion n. 1.The direction followed in the course of a trend, movement, or

development. 2. usually general or lasting direction of thought, inclination, or interest
3.An adjustment or adaptation to a new environment, situation, custom, or set of ideas.

dis·o·ri·en·ta·tion n. 1. Loss of one's sense of direction, position, or relationship
with one's surroundings.

We are people who have chosen to openly challenge the set of values that guide
Duke University. We want to develop an alternative to inadequate wages for campus
workers, drunken weekend binges, and the ongoing process of gentrification that is
threatening Durham’s neighborhoods. We want an alternative to the 500 calorie diet,
sorority rush, and The Chronicle. This is a guide to Duke through the eyes of progressive student leaders and activists, and it is an introduction to our movement for
Duke is not a healthy community. Behind the walls of our dorm rooms and classrooms many people are actively working to promote division instead of diversity, conflict instead of community. We are not immune from the influence of people who feel it
is within their rights to infringe on the rights of others, either through their institutional or
individual actions. We are a community plagued by social ignorance and irresponsibility, both on a global scale and a local one.
The school you have chosen to attend is segregated in many ways, from social activities to housing. We argue over whether queer people have the right to full use of
campus facilities, and we think religion can justify discrimination. We send emails to innocent foreign students accusing them of terrorism and we invite openly racist and inflammatory speakers to campus. We circulate newsletters full of sexist commentary on
our hardworking employees whom we don’t pay a living wage. We ignore harassment,
hate crimes, hate speech, and discrimination in spite of our open celebrations of culture at Martin Luther King Day, Diwali, and Lunar New Year. We invest our endowment
funds in irresponsible corporations and we allow the privatization of campus services
by anti-union companies with unethical labor and environmental practices. We train our

fellow students to kill as members of the U.S.
military, yet have almost no campus dialogue
about the dangers of worldwide militarism and
the importance of justice.
Our present situation may seem bleak to
many of us, but our problems are not unsolvable. We are not on a permanent downward
slide toward a less equitable future. As students, faculty, staff, and members of this community, we have the ability to change the direction of our lives. The future of Duke will be
what we create and only what we create. It is
our responsibility to build a better university
for ourselves and for those who will follow. It
is our responsibility to choose whether we will
live in a world of justice or a world of ignorance.
Welcome to the Gothic Wonderland. .
The disorientation process begins with
your willingness to look critically at the school
that is now your home. This guide will provide
information about the politics of our college
community and the global connections that influence our lives. Your disorientation can be
channeled into energy that will start you on
the path to creating social justice here at Duke
and in your respective communities for the
rest of your life.

“If you
with indignation
at every
then you
are a
of mine.”

Who We Are

The Student Body:
6,300 undergraduate students attend Duke
48% are women
52% are men
64% are white
15% are Asian-American
11% are African-American
7% are Hispanic/Latino
> 1% are Native American
3% are multiracial
63% attended public schools
37% intended private/ parochial schools
40% receive financial aid

The Cost of a Duke Education


Avg. household income for American
Black: $30,436 (80% of 1 yr at Duke)
Hispanic: $33,455 (88% of 1 yr. at Duke)
White: $44,232 (116% of 1 yr. At Duke)

% of the world’s population that lives on less
than $2 per day:


“I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the
true meaning of its creed: We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that
all men are created equal…”
Martin Luther King Jr.
The Faculty
669 undergraduate faculty teach at Duke
74% are men
26% are women
83% are white
17% are racial minorities
Many of the women and minority professors are concentrated in certain departments. Some departments have very few
women and minority faculty.

The Employees
70% are female
30% are male
It has been admitted by President Keohane, though not verified by the authors,
that the number of women employees at
Duke decreases as occupational level
We suspect that racial discrimination
manifests itself in a similar way.

A People’s History of
Duke University
Jillian Johnson
Coined by historian Howard Zinn, a “people’s history” tells the stories of those
who are ignored by our mainstream histories and examines the social impact of our decisions in both the past and present. These people
tend to be members of the working class, from disadvantaged ethnic groups, and women. Even when
applied only to the short history of Duke and its
predecessors, the potential scope of this topic is
mind boggling. There are rooms full of information
that our community doesn’t know about the history
of Duke, and there is much that some prominent
members of our community would rather keep quiet.
If we actually take the time to examine the social
and political consequences of our history, what will
we find? Where will it lead us?
The Duke family was responsible for the expansion and conversion of Trinity College into Duke
University in 1924. The family made their money in
the tobacco industry around the turn of the 20th century, but their business was found illegal in an antitrust suit in 1922. Following this setback, the family
began building a hydroelectric power system that
became the basis for the current Duke Power Company. The combined profits from these businesses
led to the establishment of the Duke Endowment, a
major contributor to the Duke University endowment.
The money from this trust is also used to fund other
educational institutions, hospitals, the Methodist
Church, and orphanages in the Carolinas.
There is little doubt that the members of the Duke family had good intentions in
their philanthropic pursuits. Projects they funded included hospitals and schools for African-Americans schools that promoted equal education for men and women. Unfortunately, the way in which the Duke family and other wealthy American families gained

their money, and the way in which this money has been and is now managed, has created a legacy of undemocratic practices that is still with us today.
There is evidence that Washington Duke, patriarch of the Duke family, and
Braxton Craven, one of the early university presidents owned or bought African slaves.
Though no census shows that Washington Duke ever owned slaves and large slaveholding families in the area were somewhat rare, it is clear that Duke University benefited from the slave trade. Our relationship to the tobacco industry is also a potential
site for negative social consequences associated with Duke. In addition, the primary
investment of the Duke endowment for many years was stock in the Duke Power Company. This company is now being investigated for accounting irregularities that may
show that they have manipulated their public financial image to their benefit. Duke may
have benefited from the exploitation caused by this industry and this company.
Our relationship to other private corporations should also be included when examining our social impact. The Duke University Endowment is a private company that
invests money in corporations and overseas markets. Though the employees at the
Duke Management Company, the group that is responsible for these investments, refused to disclose which companies Duke invests in, a quick search on Google revealed
that Duke University Endowment funds are invested in biotechnology companies,
manufacturing companies, and companies involved in the pharmaceutical industry. A
more detailed search into our investments and the practices of these corporations will
likely show many corporate practices and histories that perpetuate the system of inequality we have inherited. The people who are hurt by the global capitalist system and
the economic inequalities it perpetuates are ignored in our realities.
The origins of our university and the practices of the corporations that we perpetuate through investments and contracting are directly connected to our lives here as
students. We will continue whatever social and political legacy we’ve inherited unless
we stop to challenge the values (or lack thereof) that are used to make decisions on
our campus. Whatever positive or negative change that occurs because of these relationships will be part of our legacy too.

When a man tells you that he
got rich through hard work,
ask him whose.

Ten Reasons...
Robert Chrisman and Ernest Allen, Jr.
This article has been abridged. The complete version can be
found at http://www.umass.edu/afroam/hor.html

David Horowitz's article, "Ten Reasons Why Reparations for Slavery is a Bad Idea and Racist
Too," recently achieved circulation in a handful of college newspapers throughout the United States…
While Horowitz's article pretends to address the issues of reparations, it is not about reparations at all. It
is, rather, a well-heeled, coordinated attack on Black Americans which is calculated to elicit division and
strife … It is our intention here to briefly rebut his slanders in order to pave the way for an honest and
forthright debate on reparations…Although we recognize that white America still owes a debt to the descendants of slaves, in addressing Horowitz's distortions of history we do not act as advocates for a specific form of reparations.
1. There Is No Single Group Clearly Responsible For The Crime Of Slavery
Horowitz's first argument, relativist in structure, can only lead to two conclusions: 1) societies are not responsible for their actions and 2) since "everyone" was responsible for slavery, no one was responsible.
While diverse groups on different continents certainly participated in the trade, the principal responsibility
for internationalization of that trade and the institutionalization of slavery in the so-called New World
rests with European and American individuals and institutions… While there is some evidence of blacks
owning slaves for profit purposes…the vast majority of black slaveholders were free men who purchased members of their families or who acted out of benevolence." (Oakes, 47-48.)
2. There Is No Single Group That Benefited Exclusively From Slavery
Horowitz's second point, which is also a relativist one, seeks to dismiss the argument that white Americans benefited as a group from slavery, contending that the material benefits of slavery could not accrue
in an exclusive way to a single group. But such sophistry evades the basic issue: who benefited primarily from slavery? Those who were responsible for the institutionalized enslavement of people of African
descent also received the primary benefits from such actions. New England slave traders, merchants,
bankers, and insurance companies all profited from the slave trade, which required a wide variety of
commodities ranging from sails, chandlery, foodstuffs, and guns, to cloth goods and other items for trading purposes. Slaveholders benefited primarily from the institution, of course, and generally in proportion
to the number of slaves which they held. But the sharing of the proceeds of slave exploitation spilled
across class lines within white communities as well.
3. Only A Tiny Minority Of White Americans Ever Owned Slaves, And Others Gave Their Lives To
Free Them
Most white union troops were drafted into the union army in a war which the federal government initially
defined as a "war to preserve the union." In large part because they feared that freed slaves would flee
the South and "take their jobs" while they themselves were engaged in warfare with Confederate troops,
recently drafted white conscripts in New York City and elsewhere rioted during the summer of 1863, taking a heavy toll on black civilian life and property. On the other hand, it is certainly true that there also
existed principled white commanders and troops who were committed abolitionists. However, Horowitz's
focus on what he mistakenly considers to be the overriding, benevolent aim of white union troops in the
Civil War obscures the role that blacks themselves played in their own liberation. African Americans

were initially forbidden by the Union to fight in the Civil War, and black leaders such as Frederick Douglass and Martin Delany demanded the right to fight for their freedom…Some 170,000 blacks served in
the Civil War, representing nearly one third of the free black population.
4. Most Living Americans Have No Connection (Direct Or Indirect) To Slavery
As Joseph Anderson, member of the National Council of African American Men, observed, "the arguments for reparations aren't made on the basis of whether every white person directly gained from slavery. The arguments are made on the basis that slavery was institutionalized and protected by law in the
United States. As the government is an entity that survives generations, its debts and obligations survive
the lifespan of any particular individuals. . . . Governments make restitution to victims as a group or
class." (San Francisco Chronicle, March 26, 2001, p. A21.)
6. The Reparations Argument Is Based On The Unfounded Claim That All African-American Descendants of Slaves Suffer From The Economic Consequences Of Slavery And Discrimination
Most blacks suffered and continue to suffer the economic consequences of slavery and its aftermath. As
of 1998, median white family income in the U.S. was $49,023; median black family income was $29,404,
just 60% of white income…The present poverty level for an American family of four is $17,029. Twentythree and three-fifths percent (23.6%) of all black families live below the poverty level. When one examines net financial worth, which reflects, in part, the wealth handed down within families from generation
to generation, the figures appear much starker. Recently, sociologists Melvin L. Oliver and Thomas M.
Shapiro found that just a little over a decade ago, the net financial worth of white American families with
zero or negative net financial worth stood at around 25%; that of Hispanic households at 54%; and that
of black American households at almost 61%. (Oliver & Shapiro, p. 87)
8. Reparations To African Americans Have Already Been Paid
"Welfare benefits and racial preferences" are not reparations. The welfare system was set in place in the
1930s to alleviate the poverty of the Great Depression, and more whites than blacks received welfare.
So-called "racial preferences" come not from benevolence but from lawsuits by blacks against white
businesses, government agencies, and municipalities which practice racial discrimination.
9. What About The Debt Blacks Owe To America?
Horowitz's assertion that "in the thousand years of slavery's existence, there never was an anti-slavery
movement until white Anglo-Saxon Christians created one," only demonstrates his ignorance concerning
the formidable efforts of blacks to free themselves….The idea of black debt to U.S. society is a rehash of
the Christian missionary argument of the 17th and 18th centuries: because Africans were considered
heathens, it was therefore legitimate to enslave them and drag them in chains to a Christian nation. Following their partial conversion, their moral and material lot were improved, for which black folk should be
eternally grateful.
10. The Reparations Claim Is A Separatist Idea That
Sets African-Americans Against The Nation That
Gave Them Freedom
Again, Horowitz reverses matters. Blacks are already
separated from white America in fundamental matters
such as income, family wealth, housing, legal treatment,
education, and political representation…Too many
Americans tend to view history as "something that happened in the past," something that is "over and done,"
and thus has no bearing upon the present. Especially in
the case of slavery, nothing could be further from the
*Ernest Allen, Jr. is Professor of Afro-American Studies
at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst; Robert
Chrisman is Editor-in-Chief and Publisher, The Black
Scholar (April 2, 2001)

Threats to Your
Civil Liberties
When President Bush signed the USA Patriot Act into law last week, he significantly boosted the government's law enforcement powers while continuing a trend to cut back on the checks and balances that
Americans have traditionally relied on to protect individual liberty.
Wiretapping and Intelligence Surveillance
The wiretapping and intelligence provisions in the USA Patriot Act sound two themes: they minimize the
role of a judge in ensuring that law enforcement wiretapping is conducted legally and with proper justification, and they permit use of intelligence investigative authority
to by-pass normal criminal procedures that protect privacy. Specifically:
1. The USA Patriot Act allows the government to use its
intelligence gathering power to circumvent the standard that must
be met for criminal wiretaps. Currently FISA surveillance, which
does not contain many of the same checks and balances that
govern wiretaps for criminal purposes, can be used only when
foreign intelligence gathering is the primary purpose. The new
law allows use of FISA surveillance authority even if the primary
purpose were a criminal investigation. Intelligence surveillance
merely needs to be only a "significant" purpose. This provision
authorizes unconstitutional physical searches and wiretaps:
though it is searching primarily for evidence of crime, law enforcement conducts a search without probable cause of crime.
2. The USA Patriot Act extends a very low threshold of
proof for access to Internet communications that are far more revealing than numbers dialed on a phone. Under current law, a
law enforcement agent can get a pen register or trap and trace
order requiring the telephone company to reveal the numbers dialed to and from a particular phone. To get such an order, law
enforcement must simply certify to a judge - who must grant the order -- that the information to be obtained is "relevant to an ongoing criminal investigation." This is a very low level of proof, far less than
probable cause. This provision apparently applies to law enforcement efforts to determine what websites
a person had visited, which is like giving law enforcement the power - based only on its own certification -- to require the librarian to report on the books you had perused while visiting the public library. This
provision extends a low standard of proof - far less than probable cause -- to actual "content" information.
3. In allowing for "nationwide service" of pen register and trap and trace orders, the law further

marginalizes the role of the judiciary. It authorizes what
would be the equivalent of a blank warrant in the physical
world: the court issues the order, and the law enforcement
agent fills in the places to be searched. This is not consistent with the important Fourth Amendment privacy protection
of requiring that warrants specify the place to be searched.
Under this legislation, a judge is unable to meaningfully
monitor the extent to which her order was being used to access information about Internet communications.
The ACLU noted that the FBI already had broad authority to monitor telephone and Internet communications.
Most of the changes apply not just to surveillance of terrorists, but instead to all surveillance in the United States.
Law enforcement authorities -- even when they are
required to obtain court orders - have great leeway under
current law to investigate suspects in terrorist attacks. Current law already provided, for example, that wiretaps can be
obtained for the crimes involved in terrorist attacks, including
destruction of aircraft and aircraft piracy.
The FBI also already had authority to intercept these
communications without showing probable cause of crime
for "intelligence" purposes under the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act. In fact, FISA wiretaps now exceed wiretapping for all domestic criminal investigations. The standards
for obtaining a FISA wiretap are lower than the standards for
obtaining a criminal wiretap.
Student Privacy
The USA Patriot Act allows law enforcement officials
to cast an even broader net for student information without
any particularized suspicion of wrongdoing. When the
changes in federal law dealing with student records privacy
are combined with other information-sharing provisions contained in the new law, it becomes clear that highly personal
student information will be transmitted to many federal agencies in ways likely to harm innocent students' privacy.

"It was not desirable that the
proles should have
strong political
feelings. All that
was required of
them was a primitive patriotism
which could be appealed to whenever it was necessary to make them
accept longer
working hours or
shorter rations"
George Orwell,

Since September 11, law enforcement agencies from all levels of government have faced few barriers in
accessing student information. According to the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers, about 200 colleges and universities have turned over student information to the FBI,
INS and other law enforcement officials.
But law enforcement agencies wanted even easier access to a broad range of student information and the USA Patriot Act gave it to them by allowing them to receive the student data collected for
the purpose of statistical research under the National Education Statistics Act. The statistics act requires
the government to collect a vast amount of identifiable student information and - until now - has required
it to be held in the strictest confidence without exception.
The USA Patriot Act, however, eliminates that protection and - while it requires a court order allows law enforcement agencies to get access to private student information based on a mere certification that the records are relevant to an investigation. This certification, which a judge cannot challenge,
is insufficient to protect the privacy of sensitive information contained in student records.


1. What do you think caused your heterosexuality?
2. When and how did you first decide you were a heterosexual?
3. Is it possible that your heterosexuality stems from a neurotic
fear of others of the same sex?
4. Is it possible that your heterosexuality is just a phase you may grow out of?
5. Isn't it possible that all you need is a good gay lover?
6. Heterosexuals have histories of failure in gay relationships. Do you think you may
have turned to heterosexuality out of fear of rejection?
7. If you've never slept with a person of the same sex, how do you know that you
wouldn't prefer that?
8. If heterosexuality is normal, why are a disproportionate number of mental patients
9. To whom have you disclosed your heterosexual tendencies? How did they react?
10. Your heterosexuality doesn't offend me so long as you don't try to force it on me.
Why do you people feel compelled to seduce others into
your sexual orientation?
11. If you should choose to nurture children, would you
want them to be heterosexual, knowing the problems they
would face?
12. The great majority of child molesters are heterosexuals. Do you really consider it safe to expose your children
to heterosexual teachers?

13. Why do you insist on being so obvious, and making a public spectacle of your heterosexuality? Can't you just be who you are and keep it quiet?
14. How can you ever hope to become a whole person if you limit yourself to a compulsive, exclusive, heterosexual object choice, and remain unwilling to explore and develop your normal, healthy, God-given homosexual potential?
15. Heterosexuals are noted for assigning themselves and each other narrowly restricted, stereotyped sex-roles. Why do you cling to such unhealthy role playing?
16. How can you enjoy a fully satisfying sexual experience or deep emotional rapport
with a person of the opposite sex, when the obvious, biological, and temperamental differences between you are so vast? How can a man understand what pleases a woman
sexually, or vice versa?
17. Why do heterosexuals place so much emphasis on sex? 18. With all the societal
support marriage receives, the divorce rate is spiraling. Why are there so few stable relationships among heterosexuals?
19. Shouldn't you ask the fringe straight types, like swingers, Hell's Angels, and Jesus
freaks, to conform more? Wouldn't that improve your image?
20. How could the human race survive if everyone were heterosexual, considering the
menace of overpopulation?
21. There seem to be very few happy heterosexuals. Techniques have been developed with which you might be able to change if you really want to. Have you considered trying aversion therapy?
22. Do heterosexuals hate or distrust others of the same sex? Is that what makes them
23. Why are heterosexuals so promiscuous?
24. Could you really trust a heterosexual therapist
to be objective and unbiased? Don't you fear he/
she might be inclined to influence you in the direction of her/his own feelings?

What is Heterosexual
If you are heterosexual (or, in some cases, simply perceived
as heterosexual):
♦ you can go wherever you want and know that you will not
be harassed, beaten, or killed because of your sexuality
(sixteen people were known to be murdered in 2000 because of being perceived as gay, 29 were killed in 1999,
and 26 in 1998)
♦ you do not have to worry about being mistreated by the
police or victimized by the criminal justice system because of your sexuality
♦ you can express affection (kissing, hugging, and holding hands) in most social
situations and not expect hostile or violent reactions from others
♦ you are more likely to see sexually-explicit images of people of your sexuality without these images provoking public consternation or censorship
♦ you can discuss your relationships and publicly acknowledge your partner (such as
by having a picture of your lover on your desk) without fearing that people will automatically disapprove or think that you are being “blatant”
♦ you can legally marry the person whom you love
♦ you can receive tax breaks, health and insurance coverage, and spousal
legal rights through being in a long-term relationship
♦ you can express yourself sexually without the fear of being
prosecuted for breaking the law (sodomy laws are still enforceable in 16 states and are used to deny civil rights to lesbians,
gay men, and bisexuals)
♦ you can be assured that your basic civil rights will not be denied or outlawed because some people disapprove of your sexu-

♦ you can join the military and be open about your sexuality
♦ you can expect that your children will be given texts in school that implicitly support
your kind of family unit and that they will not be taught that your sexuality is a
♦ you can approach the legal system, social service organizations, and government
agencies without fearing discrimination because of your sexuality
♦ you can raise, adopt, and teach children without people believing that you will molest them or force them into your sexuality. Moreover, people generally will not try
to take away your children because of your sexuality
♦ you can belong to the religious denomination of your choice and know that your
sexuality will not be denounced by its religious leaders
♦ you can easily find a neighborhood in which residents will accept how you have
constituted your household
♦ you know that you will not be fired from a job or denied a promotion because of
your sexuality
♦ you can work in traditionally male- or female-dominated occupations without it being considered “natural” for someone of your sexuality
♦ you can expect to see people of your sexuality positively presented on nearly every
television show and in nearly every movie
♦ you can expect to be around others of your sexuality most of the time. You do not
have to worry about being the only one of your sexuality in a class, on a job, or in a
social situation
♦ you can act, dress, and talk as you choose without it being considered a reflection
on people of your sexuality
♦ if you were to commit a sexual crime it would not be viewed
as a direct result of your sexuality
♦ you can teach about lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals without being seen as having a bias because of your sexuality or
forcing a “homosexual agenda” on students
Developed by Ohio State’s Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Student Services

In , Out, and the
Closet Door
Alliance of Queer Undergraduates at Duke (AQUADuke—formerly Gothic
Queers) is the undergraduate organization for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender,
and Queer (LGBTQ) students at Duke University.
We seek to affirm and support LGBTQ undergraduates through educational and social programming. We also do advocacy work by raising
the awareness of and interest in LGBTQ issues
within the larger Duke community. Among the
dominant forces that shape campus culture at
Duke are the Greek system and West campus
housing structure, sports culture, and fundamentalist religious and political belief systems. Common to each of these cultures is the widespread
exclusion if not outright hostile treatment of
LGBTQ students as well as a generally dismissive attitude toward LGBTQ values and interests.
At present, these forces help to create an intimidating environment for LGBTQ undergraduates. Last year at the annual Unity through
Diversity Luncheon, Gothic Queers presented the following recommendations to the
administration. They are designed to improve the campus climate for queer students
and provide social and academic resources to the LGBT community.

Provide consistent and substantial funding so we can continue Coming out Week
and Pride Week traditions.1
Sponsor university-wide speakers that address LGBTQ issues
Consider LGBTQ issues in all aspects of diversity, including, but not limited to grant
proposals and university strategic plans.
Recognize GQ as a Cultural and Minority group.
Require that at least one RA per dorm be S.A.F.E. trained, by next year.2
Require that at least one faculty member per department be S.A.F.E trained, by
next year.
Require that Pre-Major Advisors who are S.A.F.E. trained be made known and
available to first and second year students.
Require SpeakOut programs and programming to combat LGBTQ discrimination as
part of the first-year orientation, similar to the requirement of Rape Awareness

training now.3
Require all Greek organizations, housing groups, and sports teams to hold annual
SpeakOut sessions
Provide funds for the hiring of an office manager in the LGBT center to take over
daily administrative tasks
Provide funds to hire a graduate student intern who can help expand and aid with
the SAFE and SpeakOut programs, both of which have been requested by and
implemented in the medical center, but have received no extra support.
Provide more space for the Center for LGBT life, including kitchen space and a
reasonably sized meeting room that can accommodate its programs.
Provide more room for the LGBT Center library.
Provide an expanded work station for the six work-study students
Revitalize the Program in the Study of Sexualities with hopes of the eventual
creation of a Department for LGBTQ Studies/ Queer Theory.
Prioritize the hiring and retention/ promotion of faculty who are LGBTQ and/or do
LGBTQ scholarship.
Prioritize the creation of more courses with LGBTQ content and cross list these with
the Study of the Sexualities.
Offer 2 professors in LGBT scholarship or Queer Theory tenure track within the
next 2 years, who will teach in the Sexualities program.
Create a substantial Directorship position for the Program in the Study of
Sexualities and hire a well-known LGBTQ or Queer Theory scholar for this position
by fall 2003.
Provide funds for a LGBTQ recruitment weekend for incoming students modeled on
those already in existence.
Continue inclusion of LGBTQ students in the viewbook.
Include optional sexual orientation question on applications, much in the same way
religious affiliation is optional.
Include mention of the LGBT Center on campus tours.

We hope that these reforms will help to make Duke a more accepting environment for
queer students.
Students who are interested in helping to implement these reforms and educating the Duke community about LGBTQ issues are welcome to work with AQUADuke or
our partner organization, Duke Allies. You can join these listserves by sending email to
majordomo@duke.edu with “subscribe aquaduke” or “subscribe dukeallies” in the body

Looking Inward
for Change
Ben Weller
Are you a rapist?
Have you ever been raped?
Are you a racist?
Are you merely your race?
I want to talk about us. I want to talk about this place that we live in.
Rape happens here, and it doesn't just happen in bathrooms on East Campus or on the jogging trail. It
happens in dorm rooms. It happens at parties. It happens between people who know and trust each
other. It happens to all of us. And we are all to blame
Don't get angry. I'm not accusing you.
I am only trying to point something out. We seek to explain unpleasant things away. "Yes, rape happens.
But it isn't the norm! Things are getting better! We've made a lot of progress."
Perhaps. Perhaps not.
We live in a culture of violence. It surrounds us, penetrates us, moves through us and back out into the
world. We are oblivious, and we are complicit.
It is time to wake up. Rape is not simply an act of one individual, and racism is not practiced simply by
backward rednecks. These forms of violence--and by violence, I mean a forceful and coercive action
against the self--happen within a cultural context. They are not aberrations but logical outcomes of a culture and a system that imposes hierarchy while denying its existence.
We are part of that culture and that system. And they are a part of us. Perhaps we are all victims-victims of our own inability to stare ourselves in the face and admit our own racist thoughts, our own desires to dominate and our own complicity in violence. And this inability--or unwillingness--allows these
things to continue.
The attacks on East Campus and in Perkins Library are only the visible symptoms of a sickness that afflicts us all. What about the woman in the gym who runs all day to fit our image of beauty? What about
the ones we don't see, the workers who work for us, and yet get no respect or even recognition? Don't
you see that they suffer too from our unwillingness to question the righteousness of our way of life?
I will be accused of belittling the plight of rape victims, but the plight of rape victims--or victims of vio-

lence in general--is belittled by our attempt to separate out
the individual experience from the collective. We see a horrendous act of violence and act shocked. We are outraged
and cry, "How could this happen?"
It happens because we ignore what happens every day to
women in our society, and one day our silence and our deafness is shattered by something visible and extreme. A culture
that fails to confront sexual harassment fails to confront rape.
A culture that fails to confront its own racism fails to confront
racist acts.
We have been forced to confront the issue of sexual violence
at Duke. With last year's publication of the David Horowitz
advertisement in The Chronicle, we were forced to confront
the existence of racism in our community. While some must
face these realities every day, most of us would rather see
these things as deviations from the norm. We mourn for the victims, increase police patrols and put
more locks on doors. But what good will more locks do if the culprit is already inside?
Still, we will take these steps. And once we have, we will let the daily victims of violence slip back into
invisibility, and we will regain our innocence.
Nothing will change. Fraternities will continue to run West Campus. Sororities will to continue to impose
their version of femininity. Racism and discrimination will remain a reality. Women will continue to be
It is time to address our culture and look for causes, not simply "solutions." The Duke community, and all
of us that comprise it, must look inward. We need to take a hard, honest look at ourselves--as well as
our institutions and customs--and be open about what we see.
Our fear of introspection and self-criticism prevents effective action. Racism will continue as long as
whites keep thinking to themselves, "I'm not racist!" Rape will continue as long as we tell ourselves that
these are individual acts not reflective of the culture as a whole.
Let me speak plainly: It is time for honesty and action. The administration cannot be considered serious
in its efforts to combat sexual violence as long as the Greek system is a mainstay of Duke culture. It
cannot be considered serious in its efforts to combat racism as long as the faculty at this school remains
overwhelmingly white.
Only through a serious and concerted effort at self-evaluation, only through listening--really listening--to
the subordinated voices in our culture can we hope to create any sort of effective change. So far, that has not happened. Women who write to The Chronicle saying that the
sexual assault on East Campus is indicative of a much
deeper problem are chided by men who say, in effect,
"Things aren't so bad." Blacks who "complain" of racism are
told by whites that racism is on the decline, "Things are getting better" or "Blacks are racist too." Why do they sound so
defensive? Why are they so afraid? Why are we so afraid?
What will we see when we look inside?
This editorial was published in the Chronicle on February
22, 2002.

The Rape of Mr. Smith

The law discriminates against rape victims in a manner which would not be tolerated
by victims of any other crime. In the following example, a holdup victim is asked questions similar in form to those usually asked a victim of rape.

"Mr. Smith, you were held up at gunpoint on the corner of 16th and Locust?"
"Did you struggle with the robber?"
"Why not?"
"He was armed."
"Then you made a conscious decision to comply with his demands rather than to resist?"
"Did you scream? Cry out?"
"No. I was afraid."
"I see. Have you ever been held up before?"
"Have you ever given money away?"
"Yes, of course--"

"And did you do so willingly?"
"What are you getting at?"
"Well, let's put it like this, Mr. Smith. You've given away
money in the past--in fact, you have quite a reputation
for philanthropy. How can we be sure that you weren't
contriving to have your money taken from you by force?"
"Listen, if I wanted--"
"Never mind. What time did this holdup take place, Mr.
"About 11 p.m."
"You were out on the streets at 11 p.m.? Doing what?"
"Just walking."
"Just walking? You know it's dangerous being out on the
street that late at night. Weren't you aware that you
could have been held up?"
"I hadn't thought about it."
"What were you wearing at the time, Mr. Smith?"
"Let's see. A suit. Yes, a suit."
"An expensive suit?"
"In other words, Mr. Smith, you were walking around the
streets late at night in a suit that practically advertised
the fact that you might be a good target for some easy
money, isn't that so? I mean, if we didn't know better,
Mr. Smith, we might even think you were asking for this
to happen, mightn't we?"
"Look, can't we talking about the past history of the guy
who did this to me?"
"I'm afraid not, Mr. Smith. I don't think you would want to
violate his rights, now, would you?"

Every day four women
die in this country as a
result of domestic violence.
Every year approximately 132,000 women
report that they have
been victims of rape or
attempted rape.
It's estimated that two
to six times that many
women are raped, but
do not report it.
Every year 1.2 million
women are forcibly
raped by their current
or former male partners, some more than
Women of all races are
equally vulnerable to
violence by an intimate.
Women in families with
incomes below $10,000
were more likely than
other women to be victims of violence by an
intimate. (DOJ)

White Privilege:
Unpacking the Invisible
Peggy McIntosh
*this article has been abridged
...I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught not to
recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on
cashing in each day, but about which I was "meant" to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools , and
blank checks.
...Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in Women's Studies work to
reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having white
privilege must ask, "Having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?"
...My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual
whose moral state depended on her individual moral will. My schooling followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which
will allow "them" to be more like "us".
I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of white privilege in my life. I have chosen those conditions which I think in my case attach somewhat more to skin
color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographical location, though of course all these
other factors are intricately intertwined...
1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.
2. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure renting or purchasing housing in an area which I
can afford and in which I would want to live.
3. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.
4. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed.
5. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race
widely represented.
6. When I am told about our national heritage or about "civilization," I am shown that people of my
color made it what it is.
7. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of
their race.
8. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege.
9. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop
and find someone who can cut my hair.
10. Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the

appearance of financial reliability.
11. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them.
12. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals,the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race.
13. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial.
14. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race.
15. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.
16. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the
world's majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion.
17. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without
being seen as a cultural outsider.
18. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to "the person in charge," I will be facing a person of my
19. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven't been singled out because of my race.
20. I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children's
magazines featuring people of my race.
...I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions which
were passed on to me as a white person... My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to
want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways, and of making social systems work for
me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural
forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely...We want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred systematically. Power from unearned privilege
can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But not all of the privileges
on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or
that your race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society. Others, like the
privilege to ignore less powerful people, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored
...I have met very few men who are truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage
and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we will be like
them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance and if so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in
identifying how they actually affect our daily lives.
...Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the U.S. think that racism doesn't affect them
because they are not people of color; they do not see "whiteness" as a racial identity. In addition, since
race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or ethnic advantage, or physical ability, or advantage related to nationality, religion, or sexual orientation.
... It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like obliviousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of meritocracy, the
myth that democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most people unaware that freedom of
confident action is there for just a small number of people props up those in power, and serves to keep
power in the hands of the same groups that have most of it already.
...Though systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and I
imagine for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites of being light
skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching men, it is an open question
whether we will choose to use unearned advantage to weaken hidden systems of advantage, and
whether we will use any of our arbitrarily awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a
broader base.
*This article can be found online at http://www.utoronto.ca/acc/events/peggy1.htm

Training for War
Jillian Johnson
Consumer groups complain about children being targeted by too-cool corporate
icons in cigarette advertising or desensitized to the horrific acts of violence they see on
the big screen. Feminist groups raise hell about little girls seeing Barbie commercials
on every channel and stick-thin models splashed across the pages of every teen
magazine. Yet there is one form of advertising the progressive community neglects to
criticize, and it poses an even greater danger to the life, health, and happiness of every
Every year millions of high school and college
students are exposed to bulk mailings, television
commercials, and billboards encouraging them to join
the military. These ads promise that new recruits will
experience international travel, earn great pay and
money for college, acquire useful skills, and develop
the discipline they need to succeed in all their future
pursuits. The ads neglect to mention that recruits will
also be expected to promote American interests
through the mass murder of innocent civilians, support an organization with a long history of unjustified
violence and horrific war crimes, and perpetuate the
increasing militarism in our society, a condition that
has negative consequences for everyone.
After the attacks on 9/11, the military initiated a massive bloody campaign
against the innocent citizens of Afghanistan. Thus far this action has destroyed an estimated 4,000 lives, including the lives of several American and allied soldiers, dozens
of villages, a wedding party, and the same Red Cross building twice. Before a massive
corporate media campaign, no one thought that Afghanistan could be rightly held responsible for the actions of a few foreign citizens that happened to reside within their
borders. Responsibility for the attacks was transferred to the Taliban regime in order to
hide the real motivations for installing an American-friendly government in Afghanistan.
One motivations is clearly the oil deposits in the Caspian Sea region. The new

“democratic” regime in Afghanistan is much more likely to facilitate the building of an oil
pipeline through the country so that U.S. corporations can transport through a politically unstable region. It is also likely that if no action were taken against any person or
group after the 9/11 attacks the outrage of the American people would have created a
public relations crisis. Judging by Bush’s high approval ratings and the sharp rise in patriotic displays, that possibility was averted through this destructive military action.
This is just one example among many of the U.S. military using its killing machine against innocent people around the world in order to further its own economic
and strategic interests. In some cases, the U.S. even aids other countries in their own
violent and unethical pursuits. At the School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia
the army trains Latin American soldiers in counterinsurgency under the guise of giving
them resources to fight drug wars. These soldiers then return to their home countries
and many have been implicated in some of the worst human rights violations in Latin
American history.
Perhaps the greatest threat of increased militarism is that military spending
takes money away from needed social initiatives. By reducing the proposed FY2003
U.S. military budget by half, leaving the available budget still more than 3 times greater
than the next highest spending nation, we could free almost $200 billion for education,
health care, job training, housing, and other social programs. In developing countries,
military spending causes even greater hardships due to their limited resources. Devoting resources to the global arms race, currently spearheaded by the U.S. government
and American corporations, literally costs the lives of thousands of innocent people
around the world.
ROTC teaches students how to use guns, how to give and take orders without
question, and how to conform to military ideals of citizenship and justice. It does not
teach students about the economic influences that lead the U.S. into war or alternatives to using force to solve global conflicts. ROTC does not explore the ways in which
American military policy encourages global militarism and helps build the growing U.S.
corporate empire. ROTC programs here at Duke are turning our fellow students into
trained killers. Our classmates that become soldiers will soon be sent overseas to risk
their lives to make the world safe for American corporations.
For more information on ROTC and militarism opposition at Duke, join the Student Peace Action Network listserve by sending a blank email to dukespansubscribe@yahoogroups.com.

Discussing Eating
Mary Adkins
Reprinted from the Duke Chronicle, Nov 1, 2001
I'm going to be honest. I don't want to be writing this column right now. I sit here facing a blank
screen with swollen eyes and a half-eaten jar of peanut butter on my desk, and I am as unhappy as I've
ever been.
Maybe it's pathetic, or just indicative of our spoiled culture, that one of my saddest moments is
in a climate where all my needs--intellectual, physical, emotional--can theoretically be met. I beat myself
with this logic in attempt to force a mood-lift, but it rarely works. It can usually spawn a few "Hi! How are
you?"'s on my way to class.
Last week, my roommate told me that I would never be revolutionary because I'm not radical
enough. She said that my need to know both sides of an issue keeps me from moving beyond the gray
into the black or the white where the rallying takes place, where the revolution ignites. This triggered my
thinking: What am I passionate enough about to fight against with utter confidence?
I've decided that it's silence. When there is an unacknowledged badness affecting people's lives
and no one is making noise about it, I will rally.
There is a silence on this campus, and throughout America, that hosts a private hell for more
students than many people realize. I am a part of it, and the only reason I'm admitting this is because I
think systemic change needs to happen in a way that only awareness can initiate. I'll say that again:
Systemic change needs awareness, and awareness needs confession to happen. So here goes my confession, my rallying cry:
I have what is officially diagnosed as an eating disorder. Food has a grip on my mood, selfworth and schedule. Every day I move with this little monster on my shoulder reminding me constantly of
the standards I'm meeting or not meeting. Some days it takes all the energy I have to shut him up.
For those of you who don't understand, I'm right with you. It never ceases to baffle me how in a
culture as advanced as ours, at the top of the "needs triangle" way above water and shelter, we somehow work our way back around to struggling with the most basic necessity of survival: food. But we do.
And as illogical, shallow and limited in scope as it may seem, it is an epidemic that is bringing pain to
many, many people. It's complicated by the fact that it is multifaceted, this voluntary starvation: a physical and psychological plague.
There are obvious reasons why it manifests itself so successfully at Duke. We are successdriven people-pleasers and control-experts. We've made it to this point by our own initiative and see it as
our logical responsibility to continue climbing. We are tomorrow's senators, BMEs, CEOs, success stories. We can control life. We can control. Control.
When the pressure starts squeezing too hard something has to give. For women who've learned

Eating disorders affect more than 5 million Americans every year.
from a warped society that a) thinness symbolizes control, attractiveness and b) if they can't control their
complicated lives, they can at least control food, the thing that gives way is nutritional sanity.
You've heard my rough explanation of the problem, but now hear my point: It's not going to go
away until we start talking about it.
We joke about it: "All people do on this campus is run!" Or we whisper about it: "Have you seen
Jen lately?" But sincere discussion of its power only seems to be occurring a) behind closed doors, b) in
therapists' offices, and c) in Voices magazine. People see it as an individual problem to be dealt with
alone or among close friends, but it's bigger than that. It's systemic, and like any epidemic, it thrives on
public ignorance. This is why our silence scares me.
In 1982, First Lady Betty Ford used her story of battling alcoholism to support the creation of the
Betty Ford Center in California. The center is now the premier treatment facility for alcoholism in America, but at the time it was built, it angered and scared citizens in the area. "Will the windows be barred?"
They reportedly asked. "Will they go out drinking in the neighborhood?"
Nineteen years ago, the broad perception of alcoholics was that they were disturbed, abnormal, even
criminal. Today, Gallup polls show that most Americans realize it's a disease rather than a "moral backslide," and as a result of this awareness, more people are getting help--or catching the problem before it
strikes. Treatment participation has increased by 65 percent and overall alcohol consumption dropped
by 5 percent.
It took a former first lady's stepping forward, followed by celebrities such as Elizabeth Taylor and
Liza Minnelli, to trigger the movement that's made alcoholism the treatable, speakable illness it is today.
Silence was blocking truth, and when it was broken, good things started happening on a large scale.
It's time to try this strategy at Duke. As long as people who've conquered the problem of disordered eating aren't talking to the people who have potential for it, the same battle is being fought over and over
again unnecessarily.
An invitation:
Send me your stories. Journal entries, emails, remembered conversation in bits and pieces-anything counts as a story as long as it's true. I have a vision of incorporating your messages into what I
hope will be a vehicle for change--something that none of us can do alone. There's not room to discuss
it in this column, but it's an idea I'm ready to pursue wholeheartedly. We can't change society, but we
can change Duke. It will just take a lot of courage, creativity, and a little effort.
Logic suggests that no one will do this. It is trouble to write and mail. It is uncomfortable to think
about. There are more important, pending things to do. These are all understandable reasons to stay
silent. Unfortunately, understandable reasons don't make revolutions. They prevent them. I know there
are those of you out there who know the voice too. Now is your moment to share it.
So that's my rallying call, to defy fear and speak out--to me, to your friends, to the world. But if
none of you do, if this column receives no response, here are my three final statements to make it worth
the writing anyway. Directed to anyone who has a tendency toward or fascination with eating disorders,
where "eating disorder" is defined as playing games with food to achieve some larger goal:
1) Thinness does not bring happiness.
2) Control does not bring happiness.
3) I've wasted too much life challenging the previous two statements. Believe me, they're true.

About 1 in 10 college-aged women have a clinical eating disorder.

Are You an
Anti-Capitalist Convergence
*this article has been abridged
Chances are you have already heard something about who anarchists are and what they are supposed to believe. Chances are almost everything you have heard is nonsense. Many people seem to
think that anarchists are proponents of violence, chaos, and destruction, that they are against all forms of order and organization, that they
are crazed nihilists who just want to blow everything up. In reality, nothing could be further from the truth. Anarchists are simply people who
believe human beings are capable of behaving in a reasonable fashion
without having to be forced to. It is really a very simple notion. But it's
one that the rich and powerful have always found extremely dangerous.
At their very simplest, anarchist beliefs turn on to two elementary assumptions. The first is that
human beings are, under ordinary circumstances, about as reasonable and decent as they are allowed
to be, and can organize themselves and their communities without needing to be told how. The second
is that power corrupts. Most of all, anarchism is just a matter of having the courage to take the simple
principles of common decency that we all live by, and to follow them through to their logical conclusions.
Odd though this may seem, in most important ways, you are probably already an anarchist-you just don't
realize it. Let's start by taking a few examples from everyday life:
* If there's a line to get on a crowded bus, do you wait your turn and refrain from elbowing your way past
others even in the absence of police?
If you answered "yes", then you are used to acting like an anarchist! The most basic anarchist principle
is self-organization: the assumption that human beings do not need to be threatened with prosecution in
order to be able to come to reasonable understandings with each other, or to treat each other with dignity and respect.
Everyone believes they are capable of behaving reasonably themselves. If they think laws and police
are necessary, it is only because they don't believe that other people are. But if you think about it, don't
those ther people all feel exactly the same way about you? Anarchists argue that almost all the antisocial behavior which makes us think it's necessary to have armies, police, prisons, and governments to
control our lives, is actually caused by the systematic inequalities and injustice those armies, police,
prisons and governments make possible. It's all a vicious circle. If people are used to being treated like
their opinions do not matter, they are likely to become angry and cynical, even violent-which of course
makes it easy for those in power to say that their opinions do not matter. Once they understand that their
opinions really do matter just as much as anyone else's, they tend to become remarkably understanding.
To cut a long story short: anarchists believe that for the most part it is power itself, and the effects of
power, that makes people stupid and irresponsible.
* Do you think we live in an economic system which is stupid and unfair?

If you answered "yes", then you subscribe to the anarchist critique of today's society-at least, in its
broadest outlines. Anarchists believe that power corrupts and those who spend their entire lives seeking
power are the very last people who should have it. Anarchists believe that our present economic system
is more likely to reward people for selfish and unscrupulous behavior than for being decent, caring human beings. Most people feel that way. The only difference is that most people don't think there's anything that can be done about it, or anyway-and this is what the faithful servants of the the powerful are
always most likely to insist-anything that won't end up making things even worse.
But what if that weren't true?
And is there really any reason to believe this? When you can actually test them, most of the usual predictions about what would happen without states or capitalism turn out to be entirely untrue. For thousands of years people lived without governments. In many parts of the world people live outside of the
control of governments today. They do not all kill each other. Mostly they just get on about their lives the
same as anyone else would. Of course, in a complex, urban, technological society all this would be
more complicated: but technology can also make all these problems a lot easier to solve. In fact, we
have not even begun to think about what our lives could be like if technology were really marshaled to fit
human needs.
* Do you really believe those things you tell your children (or that your parents told you)?
It doesn't matter who started it." "Two wrongs don't make a right." "Clean up your own mess." "Do unto
others..." "Don't be mean to people just because they're different." Perhaps we should decide whether
we're lying to our children when we tell them about right and wrong, or whether we're willing to take our
own injunctions seriously. Because if you take these moral principles to their logical conclusions, you
arrive at anarchism.
Take the principle that two wrongs don't make a right. If you really took it seriously, that alone would
knock away almost the entire basis for war and the criminal justice system. The same goes for sharing:
we're always telling children that they have to learn to share, to be considerate of each other's needs, to
help each other; then we go off into the real world where we assume that everyone is naturally selfish
and competitive. But an anarchist would point out: in fact, what we say to our children is right. Pretty
much every great worthwhile achievement in human history, every discovery or accomplishment that's
improved our lives, has been based on cooperation and mutual aid.
* Do you believe that human beings are fundamentally corrupt and evil, or that certain sorts of people
(women, people of color, ordinary folk who are not rich or highly educated) are inferior specimens, destined to be ruled by their betters?
If you answered "yes", then, well, it looks like you aren't an anarchist after all. But if you answered "no', then chances are you already subscribe to 90% of anarchist principles, and, likely as not,
are living your life largely in accord with them. Every time you treat another human with consideration
and respect, you are being an anarchist.
Now, you might object that all this is well and good as a way for small groups of people to get on
with each other, but managing a city, or a country, is an entirely different matter. And of course there is
something to this. Even if you decentralize society and puts as much power as possible in the hands of
small communities, there will still be plenty of things that need to be coordinated, from running railroads
to deciding on directions for medical research. In fact, anarchists have all sorts of different ideas and visions about how a complex society might manage itself. The truth is we probably can't even imagine half
the problems that will come up when we try to create a democratic society; still, we're confident that, human ingenuity being what it is, such problems can always be solved, so long as it is in the spirit of our
basic principles-which are, in the final analysis, simply the principles of fundamental human decency.
* The complete version of this article can be found at http://www.abolishthebank.org/en/index.html

American Academia
and the Middle East
Yousuf Al-Bulushi
Interested in the Middle East and the Israel/Palestine conflict? Well, as of now, you’ve come to
the wrong place.
Aside from the brilliant Ebrahim Moosa in Religion, who teaches courses on Islam and Islamic
law, and Ylana Miller -- who is only afforded the position of visiting professor of History and occasionally
allowed to teach a course on the history of the Middle East conflict, there are no experts on the Middle
East on this campus. Until last year there was also Stephen Sheehi, an Arabic instructor in the Department of African and Asian Languages and Literature, who was adored by all his students. However,
when the University found out that his politics weren’t status quo, he was given the axe, in a much contested, unjust and hitherto unexplained manner. The History department used to have Chouki El Hamel,
but didn’t blink for a second when he decided to go to another school where his expertise would be more
appreciated. Besides, doesn’t overlooking the Middle East give the History department more time to focus on other, more important geographical areas of the world, such as Western Europe and North America? The vast geographical and historical areas of Asia and Africa are simply lumped together under
one focus, and make up only a fraction of the departmental course offerings. Not even the Political Science department offers a course on the conflict.
Instead, it chooses to hire visiting academics from Israeli universities (breaking the growing international academic boycott of Israeli educational institutions, that protests the illegal Israeli occupation
of Palestinian lands and the destruction of Palestinian schools and the entire Palestinian education system, among other things), whose expertise lies elsewhere, if anywhere at all, but who still manage to incorporate a standard Zionist interpretation in any mention of the conflict.
Other top universities post much stronger Middle East departments. Columbia University, located in the Zionist capital of the world (you thought that would be Tel Aviv?) lays proud claim to Edward
Said, the most prominent Palestinian intellectual in the West, author of such groundbreaking works as
Orientalism and The Question of Palestine. Stanford University boasts Joel Beinin, the world-renown
Israeli academic who is head of the Middle East Studies Association of North America and who will be
giving a talk here at Duke in mid-September thanks to student initiative. MIT has the indomitable Noam
Chomsky, Georgetown has John Esposito, Harvard University has Walid Khalidi, NYU has Zachary
Lockman, Princeton University has Richard Falk, University of Chicago has Rashid Khalidi, and down
the street at UNC-Chapel Hill they’ve got Sarah Shields. Why so little focus on the longest lasting colonial project and conflict in the world today at such a prestigious university like Duke?
The success of U.S./Israeli hegemony in American academia certainly has a lot to do with it.
For a long time now, and especially since the Six Day War of 1967, Zionists and Israeli apologists have
sought and achieved control over America’s teachings on the Middle East. The Zionist, and now very
much American, traditional Master Narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that dominates our educational institutions and media has tried, quite successfully, to explain away the “Middle East Conflict” as
one that has been going on for centuries between Jews and Arabs/Muslims (Arabs ARE Muslim and
Muslims ARE Arabs, right?). This traditional history roots the conflict in a Palestinian Arab love for irra-

tional and violent responses to the innocent plight of Jews for a safe homeland in an anti-Semitic world.
It seeks to explain illegal Israeli military incursions, illegal demolition of Palestinian towns and refugee
camps, and illegal occupation of Palestinian lands as necessary Israeli “defense,” while defining any
form of Palestinian resistance as irrational acts motivated by fundamentalist Islam. Most students in the
U.S. accept this official version of history when it comes to the Middle East. Why, then, would it be necessary to bring experts into universities to stir up trouble when our youth already know the truth about
the Israel-Palestine conflict?
Another important reason for Duke’s lack of Middle East experts could be the successful suppression of the principle of academic freedom through the blacklisting of critics of Israel. The two most
famous cases here are those of Dr. Norman Finkelstein and Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Dr. Finkelstein is a
graduate of Princeton University, and world-famous author of such books as Image and Reality of the
Israel-Palestine Conflict and The Holocaust Industry. These books, which attempted to challenge the
status quo Zionist version of both the Middle East conflict and the reasons why we remember the Holocaust, were absolutely crushed by the mainstream U.S. press, who went so far as to call Finkelstein
anti-Semitic and a Holocaust-denier. Any moron who attempts to tell you that Finkelstein, the son of two
Holocaust survivors, is either anti-Semitic or a denier of the Holocaust has obviously not read either of
his books After these publications, Finkelstein went from a relatively secure and prestigious post at New
York University, to a measly visiting professor at DePaul University.
Some might say that Dr. Finkelstein erred in forgetting academia’s number one rule: achieve
tenure status before publishing something that goes against the status quo. But tenure hasn’t been of
much help to Dr. Sami Al-Arian of the University of South Florida. A tenured and well-respected Engineering professor at the University of South Florida and
Palestinian by origin, Al-Arian has long been a leader in his
U.N. Resolution 242 (1967)
own as well as the national Muslim community. He has
also been an extremely vocal critic of Israel both on and off
The Security Council
campus. Al-Arian was given a letter of dismissal after appearing on a talk show with right-wing fundamentalist Bill
Affirms that the fulfillment
O’Reilly a few weeks after September 11th in which
O’Reilly used guilt by association tactics from the McCarthy
of Charter principles reera—which are becoming ever more popular in the U.S.—
quires the establishment of a
to ignorantly accuse Al-Arian of being a terrorist and of supjust and lasting peace in the
porting terrorist groups. Soon after, USF president Judy
Middle East which should inGenshaft issued Al-Arian a letter of intent to dismiss him
clude the application of both
from his tenured post.
Being that Zionist thought resonates throughout top
American academic institutions like Duke, and that any dissent from this mainstream opinion by professors can leave
them either jobless or with a permanently ruined reputation
in academia, the responsibility to rectify the situation must
lie with students. If you insist that departments pay more
attention to the continents of Africa and Asia and the space
in between termed the Middle East, you must speak out
about such demands. We must vocalize our desire to learn
more about a Middle Eastern world that should no longer
seem so distant after the Gulf War, U.S. involvement in Israel and Palestine, 9/11, and the so-called “War on Terror”.
We must demand that our university hire more experts on
the ongoing Israel/Palestine conflict, and that such experts
be progressive thinkers who are able to go beyond traditional Zionist, Orientalist, and Master Narrative instruction.
We must create an environment of true academic freedom
that protects professors who are courageous enough to dissent from outdated and status quo versions of history.

of the following principles:
(i) Withdrawal of Israel
armed forces from territories
occupied in the recent conflict;
(ii) Termination of all claims
or states of belligerence and
respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every
State in the area and their
right to live in peace within
secure and recognized
boundaries free from threats
or acts of force.

An Activist’s History
of Duke University
Jillian Johnson
The Past Generations
Union Organizing
The many campus unions have fought hard to be able to bargain collectively on behalf
of Duke employees. The most recent fight was one of nurses in Duke hospital. Administrative pressure ultimately prevailed in the struggle, as the union was voted down.
Duke has a history of paying millions to hire companies that specialize in union-busting
simply to deny employees of the university their deserved wages and benefits.

‘68 Silent Vigil
In 1968 a large portion of the university community joined together in a vigil to support
the rights of campus workers. The vigil focused on the basic demand that university
employees be allowed to participate with management in decision-making regarding
their own jobs. A compromise settlement was adopted by the trustees, but it isn’t clear
whether these were ever implemented.

‘69 Allen Building Takeover
In 1969 several black students staged a takeover of the Allen Building in order
to demand more resources for black students at Duke and address their grievances.
Many other students gathered outside to support the group, and eventually the police
were called in and several students were injured in the ensuing disturbance.

The Current Generation
In the spring of 1999, several students from Duke Students Against Sweatshops
staged a sit-in in the Allen Building to pressure Duke to institute a code of conduct for
the treatment of workers in factories that produce apparel for Duke. This was the first
code of conduct in the country, and the momentum from this event contributed to the
founding of United Students Against Sweatshops, a national organization with over
100 affiliated campuses.

Duke Student Movement

In the spring of 2001 the Chronicle published an advertisement titled “10 Reasons Why Reparations for Slavery are a Bad Idea, and Racist Too,” written by David
Horowitz. As shown earlier in this booklet, these reasons were generally inaccurate
and racist in their implications. In response to this ad, many students protested with sitins, petitioning, teach-ins, and marches. The group revived many of the demands that
were introduced in 1969 about the hiring and retention of black faculty members and
improvement to resources that serve the black community.
Peace Activism
Following the terrorist attacks on 9/11/01, many Duke students became concerned that the aftermath of the attacks would provoke negative reactions toward ArabAmericans and a counterproductive violent reaction overseas. The No More Victims
rally that took place on the quad in September, a petition drive that gathered several
hundred signatures shortly afterward, and several other on-campus actions were a part
of a growing movement to promote peace.

Ongoing Events
Sexual Assault Prevention Week
Every year Duke students unite in a week of events to support women’s rights
and raise awareness about sexual assault, harassment, and rape on campus. This
week includes Take Back the Night, a march from east to west campus, a ribbon
board, and community discussions.

National Coming Out Week
Every year the undergraduate LGBT organization plans cultural events, movies,
speak-outs, and social events surrounding National Coming Out Day to raise awareness about LGBT culture and the history of the LGBT rights movement.

Martin Luther King Day Celebration
A large coalition of students comes together to plan social, cultural, and education events for Martin Luther King Day in January. These events celebrate Dr. King’s
legacy of nonviolent activism and support for labor struggles. There are no classes on
MLK day to allow students to take full advantage of these events.

April 4th National Student/ Labor Day of Action
All over the country students and union activists come together on April 4th to
show student solidarity with labor struggles. Last year at Duke several groups came together in a “March for Campus
Democracy” from east to west

The Takeover of the
Allen Building: 1969
TeMeka Williams
– student takeover of Duke’s Administrative Building, that’s impact was felt on the entire Duke Campus, in an effort to demand changes to the tense campus climate.
On February 13th, 1969, 30 black students occupied the records office of the Allen
building and issued a list of 13 demands on the administration. The students refused to
leave until the demands were met. Later that night law enforcement officials threatened
to forcefully evict the students, and they left the building peacefully. The police then
surrounded the building and a large crowd of students who had gathered to support
the sit-in became angered by their actions and shouted at them. The police fired tear
gas canisters into the crowd and in the ensuing struggle several dozen people were
sent to the hospital. There are conflicting accounts of violence on the part of both the
students and the police officers.
(This account is taken from “Ideology, Institutional Forces, and Campus Activism, written by Alan Kornberg and Mary Blum and published in Social Forces, March, 1971.)
The campus climate changes with each incoming class. And with each completed year each student learns so much about themselves, their friends, their family,
and for Dukies we learn about our university. But with all these definable and indefinable ‘things’ that we learn how much change really occurs? How do you measure
those changes? Do we measure the quality of the impact based on how it affects us
personally or on how it affects our entire environment?
Looking back on the 1969 Allen Building Takeover I struggle to answer questions like these and then wonder if I am taking myself too seriously as I
watch myself and my fellow students struggle to fight for some of the
same issues in 2002. The Allen Building Takeover was just an event.
Just an impactful event that I discovered many Duke students were unaware of when I initiated planning a commemorative lock-in for the original 1969 takeover. Planning the lock-in is what introduced me to a
whole new level of issues, resources, involvement, and changes. Although each one of these ‘things’ was affected by the other, change was
instrumental to all the topics listed before it. Planning introduced me to

changes in the many perspectives on campus issues. Involvement introduced me to a
change in the amount of resources available to me. The most impactful change was
my understanding of the role I play as a student at Duke University…
After high school I wasn’t sure what to expect of college life. I definitely wasn’t
sure what to expect of Duke University. Still, what I have learned as a result of the
1969 Allen Building Takeover has been invaluable because I realized that although I
will be always be a student, first and foremost, while I am here, being a student holds
more power than I previously believed. The student-led 1969 Allen Building Takeover
not only resulted in the creation of what is now known as the African American Studies
Program, the Office of Intercultural Affairs, and the Black Faculty Initiative, the Takeover served as a catalyst for many minority and non-minority concerns. It heightened
student awareness of their impact on the Duke administration and the campuses it
seeks to control. So, the quality of our changes, big and small, remains forever important through the continuing student involvement that carries on today to create new
multi-cultural centers, Asian-American Studies programs, and programs to retain our
minority faculty. If all this progress results from simply being moved to action by the
example set by the 1969 Allen Building Takeover, then I only wish I had taken myself
seriously much sooner. The new challenge is making more Duke Students aware of
their true impact on our university. Hopefully, events like the Takeover and its commemorative Lock-In will contribute to overcoming the challenge. In particular, I hope
that you will find the time to learn more about the Takeover and help plan the next lockin.

Students march to the Allen building to protest the printing of “10 Reasons Why Reparations for Slavery are a Bad Idea and Racist Too.” © The Chronicle

Organizing at Duke Hospital
Jonathan Harris
The late 1960’s and early 70’s were years that saw
massive student-worker solidarity at Duke, especially in the
hospital. Duke Hospital workers, with the support of students and faculty, attempted to organize a union in response
to poor working conditions and low pay. The hospital workers simply wanted respect and dignity on the job, and everyone from the bed attendants to the nurses were involved in
the movement. The spirit of these campaigns resurfaced in
1999 and 2000, when Duke nurses screamed “enough is
enough!” and began a unionizing drive to gain a voice on the
job. Many students and community members were involved
in this exciting campaign, which led to changes in the hospital’s hiring practices and decision-making processes.
In 1999, the president of the International Union of Operating Engineers (IUOE)
visited Duke Hospital for medical treatment. During his stay there, he was approached
by several nurses that were upset and worn out—upset by the dictatorial policies of the
hospital administration and worn out by the hospital’s chronic understaffing. The thenCEO of the hospital, Mike Israel (salary = $300,000+), ran the operation like a massive
for-profit business, only thinking about the bottom line. All other concerns, including
patient care and working conditions, were ignored in Israel’s greedy quest for higher
revenues. One of the most dangerous concerns of the nurses was the eight-to-one ratio of patients to nurses; the ratio considered “safe” was three-to-one. The union president suggested to the nurses that they contact the IUOE Local 465, which already
represents Duke’s skilled maintenance workers. The union local agreed to assist the
nurses in their unionizing efforts, which began in late 1999.
Hearing of the nurses’ organizing, the hospital CEO immediately hired an expensive Atlanta-based union-busting law firm. This firm, which charged Duke at least
$5 million for its “services,” sent five lawyers to work in the hospital full-time, intimidating the nurses and holding captive-audience anti-union meetings in the hospital during
working hours. During the course of the unionizing campaign, the hospital administration broke several federal laws, showing that they would go all-out to prevent the

nurses from gaining any power or dignity.
Despite the administration’s inhumane tactics, the nurses continued their quest for workplace democracy, calling on both the students
and the community for support. The Duke Progressive Alliance, the Black Student Alliance, and
the Triangle Jobs with Justice answered the
nurses’ call, and organized a strong solidarity
movement. On April 20, 2000, dozens of nurses
under the name “Nurses United for Patient Advocacy” (NUPA) joined with students and community allies to publicly kick off their organizing campaign.
The movement continued through the summer and into the fall semester. During this period, The Chronicle released several editorials supporting the nurses’ unionizing efforts, and students continued their vigilant support for the nurses. A rally sponsored by Triangle Jobs with Justice on September 26th proved that the community and
students would not tolerate the university’s underhanded tactics. The long-awaited
vote finally took place on October 13-14, 2000. Although the union effort was defeated
in the election, the administration offered significant concessions to the nurses as a result of their organizing campaign.
Due to the pressure of the union campaign, the hospital has increased pay and
has temporarily relieved some of the understaffing problems. However, with the recent
change in hospital administration, there is no telling where the hospital’s future lies. As
we speak, nurses are again considering the possibility of unionizing, which is the only
way to secure their futures as Duke employees. As Duke nurse Connie Donohue recently wrote, “Those of us who supported the organizing effort of Duke registered
nurses understand that even in the best
work environment, the only protection and
guarantee an employee has is a [union]
“If you have come
No doubt, the nurses will need
here to help me, you contract.”
continued student support if any future unare wasting your
ion victory is possible.

time... but if you
have come because
your liberation is
bound up with mine,
then let us work together.”
Lilla Watson

Read Caring by the Hour: Women Work, and Organizing at
Duke Medical Center by Karen Brodkin Sacks for a full account of organizing at the hospital (it’s in Perkins Library).
Also look at Kevin Bailey’s honors thesis, “Bad Blood on the
Ward: A Study of the Politics of Labor Organizing at Duke
Hospital, 1974-76,” also in Perkins.
See http://www.chronicle.duke.edu/story.php?
article_id=19285 for a crappy account of this rally.
See http://www.chronicle.duke.edu/story.php?
article_id=19342 and http://www.chronicle.duke.edu/story.
php?article_id=18800 for these editorials.

Andrea Hamilton
“Students and workers will unite/ we’ll fight the fight for worker’s rights.”
Last April, these were the words chanted by over 100 students, Duke employees, and community members in the “Students and Workers Unite: March for Campus
Democracy.” The march was organized as an effort to demonstrate solidarity among
the members of the Duke community while also protesting the school’s growing efforts
to outsource University services.
Solidarity between students and campus
employees is not a new phenomenon. Probably
one of the most notable examples to date is the
Harvard Living Wage Campaign that recently
achieved a wage increase for janitors, security
guards, and some dining employees. Even on
Duke’s campus, you can find examples where students have organized with workers to effect
change. In 1996, a campus group called the Student-Employee Relations Coalition (SERC),
worked with biweekly employees to create a severe weather policy that addressed their concerns. In its present form, SERC is still
working with employees to make sure their voices are heard by University administration.
Though these efforts have made a difference in university practices and policies, we must realize that the means are just as significant as the ends. Organizing on
college campuses is only successful because students and employees are able to relate on a level outside of the “server-recipient” model. The individuals who will be serving your food when you arrive on campus, performing maintenance work, and cleaning
your dorm, are just as much a part of the Duke community as your peers and professors.
The fundamental step to bridging the gulf that exists in student-worker relations
is respect. A simple “thank you,” a smile, and an acknowledgment of an employee’s ef-

fort goes a long way. Take the time to get to know your housekeeper or to have a conversation with one of the bus drivers. You will often discover that wisdom arises from
many places and that the relationships formed will have a lasting impact during your
time at Duke and beyond.
As you form these relationships, you will also begin to realize the weight behind
the following statement: Duke is an employer. With approximately 25,000 employees,
Duke University is one of the largest private employers in the region. Consequently,
the University has an obligation to ensure a high-quality workplace environment, complete with fair wages, benefits, top-notch management, and accountability to its workers. However, as you begin to talk with various employees you will begin to learn of the
positive AND negative decisions that the University makes, affecting not only the work
environment, but also a worker’s livelihood.
As students, Duke University is directly accountable to us for their decisions—if
nothing else, our tuition pays the salaries of the administrators and helps keep the
campus running functionally. However, it is not always the same for workers whose
jobs can be jeopardized for speaking out on wages, the integrity of business decisions
made by the University, or workplace mistreatment.
Solidarity between workers and students can effect change on a college campus because the university is forced to listen. Students are in a prime position to use
their power to confront the university on harmful practices and to organize with workers
to demand their rights. At the same time, we have much to learn from the employees
who are willing to take a stand for what is just, despite the consequences. Working with
employees brings a face to many of the workplace issues that you will study in the
classroom while at Duke and will hopefully prompt you to begin now in making decisions based on truth regardless of self-interest.
It is a win-win situation for those involved; will you
be a part?
You can find out more about SERC and studentlabor organizing at duke by joining the SERC
listserve. Send email to

We Want AsianAmerican Studies
Asian-American Studies Undergraduate Working Group
During this time of change as embodied by Curriculum 2000 and next year's allsophomore West Campus, the establishment of Asian American Studies is necessary
to both complement and transform the intellectual and social
climate at Duke.
Asian American Studies is a highly interdisciplinary study that crosses borders
and introduces new paradigms of thought. It specifically transforms the understanding
of American history, social sciences, politics, economics, and literature. The relevance
of Asian American Studies is not limited to South Asian Americans, East Asian Americans, or Middle Eastern Americans. Instead, the study of this microcosm of America -Asian America -- deepens our understanding of complexities within all communities. It
addresses issues that are pertinent to everyone.Since the Asian American community
historically includes members from diverse socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds,
the study of Asian America recognizes, bridges, and integrates the vast economic and
social disparities within local, national, and international communities. George Lipsitz,
director of the Thurgood Marshall Institute, calls Asian American Studies the
"quintessential model for interethnic antiracism in both activism and scholarship," for it
challenges traditional models of thought, invokes discussion across ethnic and racial
boundaries, and encourages the exploration of differences that define any one group.
Due to recent on-campus controversies that have resulted from agelong problems - employee disrespect, racial tensions, and sexual violence, to name a few -- our
community is in need of such an intellectual tool that will encourage growth and unders
standing among all Duke community members. Thus, Asian American Studies is not
only crucial for Duke, but its establishment is timely for our institution.
We expect our University to thrive long after we graduate. Asian American Studies will fulfill this expectation and will reinforce the administration's current commitment
to enhance intellectual life. Our peer institutions, Yale, Cornell, Columbia, and UPenn,
have already made university wide commitments to this important area of study. Such
a commitment is long overdue at Duke.
Since our national call for letters of support in April 2002, the AAS undergradu-

ate working group has increased the number of discussions about AAS and the number of institutional commitments to AAS at Duke.
On April 24, more than 50 students from the AAS undergraduate working
group held a "Rally for our Education" in support of AAS and other Americas Studies
and Ethnic Studies initiatives in front of the main administrative building. Professors,
administrators, and student leaders from Duke and UNC spoke at the rally. This rally
was held after an AAS teach-in, a preliminary meeting with the Academic Deans,
1000 petition signatures in support of AAS at Duke, meetings with various Department
heads, a brief meeting with the President, and various news articles and letters to the
editor in The Duke Chronicle, The Herald Sun, and The New York Times Online.
On April 25, the Provost and Academic Deans informed us that a university wide
commitment to AAS would be made. They committed to 1 course development grant
for Fall 2002, 2 course development grants for Fall 2003, funds for an AAS symposia
for 2002-2003, an AAS task force to discuss the future structure of AAS at Duke, and
the establishment of a Center for Asian and Asian American Studies. Course development grants are only available to Duke faculty members (please see the April 29 news
article pasted below for details).
Although multiple promises have been made, the institutional establishment of
Asian American Studies as a department, program, or certificate has not been made.
The Center for Asian and Asian American Studies is a separate effort that will not oversee major curriculum changes. The AAS task force will serve to continue discussions
surrounding AAS so that an appropriate program structure may be officially established.
The establishment of AAS at Duke is only starting, and we sincerely appreciate
your continual support. Feel free to contact Christina J. Hsu at cjh5@duke.edu or Namita Koppa at nmk@duke.edu with any questions.

McDuke, the Loop, and
Our Administration
Rachel Harold
Does Duke have Standards of Corporate Social Responsibility for Companies
Operating on Campus? We still don’t know.
In the same vein as socially responsible investment, divestment, and contracting
it has become popular for institutions and individuals to manipulate their buying power
in an effort to make demands of corporations and their behaviors. Duke has made
such steps in the anti-sweatshop movement through their contracts with Nike, New Era
and other corporations that do business with Duke. But we are in a monumental time
when big corporations are found committing crimes of billion dollar proportions and the
American public is losing their faith in the business world. Duke must take larger steps
to exemplify the lessons learned from Enron, WorldCom, and their corrupt comrades.
We were interested to determine if Duke has any general standards for companies that operate on campus or that are affiliated with Duke. These could be demands
about wages, investigations into past corporate behaviors or investment choices, or
highlighted business ethics that must be upheld on Duke’s campus. Or, simply, does
Duke have any rule that says it will withhold its business from any company that has
been convicted of a felony? Would Duke knowingly hire building contractors who exploit immigrant labor? Would we allow our accountants to engage in Arthur Andersenlike shenanigans? Would we contract with environmental consultants who have been
fined for toxic dumping? Every institution of Duke’s power and reach needs a document outlining its standards for corporate social responsibility.
We wish we had some information about this phenomenon to share with you.
However, after multiple inquiries at the offices of Jim Wilkerson (Director of Store Operations), Jim Wulforst (Director of Dining Services), and Joseph G. Pietrantoni
(Associated Vice President of Auxiliary Services), among others, there was a disturbing pattern of missed appointments, unreturned phone calls, and evasive answers.
David Majestic, the director of Auxillary Services Planning, was absent for two scheduled appointments and avoided responding to a number of email inquiries. The office
of Jim Wilkerson refused to answer any questions and promised to have the business
manager make contact and answer questions----that contact failed to happen. It

seems fair to assume, given this pattern
of evasion, that there are no corporate
social responsibility standards on campus.
This neglect and avoidance can
mean a number of things. It certainly
means that some members of Duke
management and administration have
little or no common respect for students – the reason for Duke’s existence – and their thoughtful inquiries. It
certainly means that Duke does not
have standards that are well known and
highly honored and that Duke does not
take pride in any standards, if established. It could also mean that Duke
has no standards and is ashamed to explain to the students of this university
that this institution that claims to intellectually prioritize ethics and justice, fails to
take steps to make them a reality.
(Home to the Kenan Institute of Ethics,
the Duke Divinity School, the Genome
Institute, and the Terry Sanford Institute
of Public Policy, Duke has established a
public face as a sanctuary for ethical
thought---so where are the ethical actions?) And most disturbingly, this evasion may mean that Duke has something to hide.
If establishing and maintaining
standards of social responsibility was
important to Duke, the administration
would place more of an emphasis on it
and we could provide contract guidelines to you today. And, as importantly,
as evidenced by this investigation, Duke
needs to show more respect and common courtesy to its students and their
inquiries. Duke is a representation of us
and we are a representation of Duke.
We can only protect the ideals of academia and intentional citizenship through a
mutually respectful relationship.

Notorious for union-busting in their
restaurants around the world and promoting slash and burn cattle ranching
in the Amazon rainforest. Often sue
people who call them out on their

Aramark provides food and facilities
services to over 300 private for-profit
prisons. They have also been accused of providing substandard food
services at other colleges and universities and for union-busting activities.

Owned and operated by evangelical
Christians and exists to “glorify God,”
as stated on their website. Operate
community service programs for disadvantaged kids, but also have affiliations with pro-life organizations and
Christian organizations that perpetuate oppression.

Sodexho-Marriot, the largest institutional food provider in North America,
is the leading investor in the world’s
biggest for-profit private prison corporation, Corrections Corporation of

No More

Outsourcing decreases accountability to students and employees. Private corporations are much more difficult to hold accountable for problems than our own
administration. The corporate offices of companies we outsource services to are
much further away and much less accessible than our own administration.

Outsourcing can hurt wages and jobs. Contractors are not forced to follow
Duke’s standards for pay and benefits, and because they are in direct competition
with other contractors, they will feel pressure to reduce costs by cutting compensation to their employees.

Outsourcing can hurt quality. Also due to the pressure to reduce costs to provide
the most competitive option for Duke, contractors may spend less money on materials or supplies for a job, resulting in lower-quality work.

Outsourcing can hurt unions. Many of the jobs at Duke are now union jobs.
Housekeepers, food service employees, and maintenance employees are represented by AFSCME, SEIU, and IUOE unions. As more and more work is contracted
out, these unions can lose membership because Duke employees are no longer
needed. Unions also lose bargaining power when they are no longer negotiating
with Duke, an entity they have valuable experience dealing with.

Students and workers have no voice. When decisions are made to outsource
campus operations, students and workers are often not consulted and are informed
of the decisions after they have already been made. We have the right to have input into decisions that affect our lives at this University.

Join the fight to increase transparency in decision-making, protect
our unions and workers, maintain the quality of campus services,
and keep Duke accountable for what happens on campus!

Living Wage Now!

A living wage is one that allows a person to provide for her own and her family’s
basic needs, including housing, food, clothing, education, healthcare, insurance,
transportation, and other necessary items, given the size of one’s family and the local cost of living.

A Durham living wage ordinance mandates that certain city employees and contractors be paid at least $8.45 per hour. This has not been updated for about 2
years, yet many workers at Duke do not make this wage.

Workers that are employed by university contractors are at greater risk for not
making a living wage because Duke can more easily evade responsibility for inadequate pay and benefits.

Temporary workers are at greater risk for not making a living wage because
the pay standards that have been bargained by the union are lower for temporary
workers than workers that are considered permanent. Particularly in the dining services field, temporary workers are often hired and make less than $7 an hour.

Students should educate themselves about workers compensation and treatment on Duke campus, as well as the cost of living and family situations of people
in Durham and Duke employees in particular.

Student support is powerful! Making the administration hear us can make a real
difference for our university community. Students can support Duke workers by
holding the administration accountable for the wages, benefits, and treatment of all
people who work for Duke University, directly and indirectly.

Become an ally to worker struggles on campus and beyond! Help us
evaluate the viability of campus wages and benefits and find out how
to help workers win.

That Food Didn’t
Grow Itself
Erica Maharg
When I came to Duke freshman year, I was concerned
about my four years to come, but I certainly wasn’t thinking
about Duke’s history before me.
Finally a friend confronted me. “How do you feel about going to a school that made its money off the tobacco industry.” I
agreed it sucked as I lit another cigarette and opened another
But as I walked around campus and saw statue after
statue of the Duke family, as I drove through the forgotten factories in Durham with barely legible tobacco company insignias, I
began to realize what Duke was, not just a product of the tobacco industry, but the
product of hundreds of years of labor.
Today all of us at Duke sit on top, but we don’t realize what we sit on top of,
what we continue to sit on top of so that we can be the “leaders of tomorrow.” Our
campus was built off of the labor of African slaves, and although we think of slavery as
dead, all around in North Carolina is a class of people that are exploited on a daily basis, that have little chance for upward mobility, and who most likely will never be allowed to step foot on Duke campus. Despite our virtual dependency on farm work and
farmworkers to feed us everyday, they continue to be underpaid, given little to no
benefits, and live in conditions of extreme poverty.
Farmworker Salaries:
Median income from farm work: $2,500-$5,000
Average annual income for a farmworker: less than $7,500
When wages are adjusted for inflation, farmworkers' real wages have decreased
5% over the last decade.

Level of Poverty:
• Over 3/5 of farmworker household are below poverty line
• Few farm workers had assets: 49% owned a vehicle; 1/3 owned or were buying

a house or a trailer in the U.S.
Despite pervasive poverty among farm workers, few used social insurance or social service programs.

Health and Safety:
16% reported not having water with which to wash at their workplace and 13% reported that toilets were not available at the workplace.
• 2% said they did not have access to drinking water at their workplace.
• 12% of full-time workers on farms with more than 10 workers were injured in 1990.
• While it is impossible to be precise, the EPA estimates that between 20,000 and
300,000 farmworkers annually suffer from exposure to toxic pesticides.
• Green Tobacco Sickness (GTS) is emerging as a major problem for farmworkers.
One reported study found that 41% of farmworkers harvesting tobacco reported
suffering from this potentially critical condition—but only 9% sought medical treatment.
• Only 6 percent [of farmworkers] were provided with health insurance [in 1997-98].

Everyone in society is responsible for these horrible working conditions of thousands of people, but especially those of us who are privileged. At Duke right now, there
are several farmworker justice campaigns. Last year students persuaded Duke administration through a series of letters and actions to continue their boycott of Mount Olive
Pickles, which was called by the Farm Labor Organizing Committee and the farmworkers themselves. For more information or to get involved contact Student Action with
Farmworkers at 919-660-3652 or join the Rural Health Coalition.

We have fed you all for a thousand yearsFor that was our doom, you know,
From the days when you chained us in your fields
To the strike a week ago.
You have taken our lives, and our babies and wives,
And we're told it's your legal share,
But if blood be the price of your lawful wealth,
Good God! We have bought it fair!
Written by "An Unknown Proletarian", 1908

Are My
Hands Clean?
Bernice Johnson Reagon
I wear garments touched by hands from all over the world:
35% cotton, 65% polyester. The journey begins in Central America
In the cotton fields of El Salvador.
In a province soaked in blood, pesticide-sprayed workers toil in a broiling sun,
Pulling cotton for two dollars a day.
Then we move on up to another rung--Cargill,
A top-forty trading conglomerate, takes the cotton through the Panama Canal
Up the Eastern seaboard, coming to the U.S. of A. for the first time.
In South Carolina
At the Burlington mills,
Joins a shipment of polyester filament courtesy of the New Jersey petro-chemical mills
of Dupont.
Dupont strands of filament begin in the South American country of Venezuela,
Where oil riggers bring up oil from the earth for six dollars a day.
Then Exxon, largest oil company in the world,
Upgrades the product in the country of Trinidad and Tobago.
Then back into the Caribbean and Atlantic Seas
To the factories of Dupont,
On the way to the Burlington mills,
In South Carolina,
To meet the cotton from the blood-soaked fields of El Salvador.
In South Carolina,
Burlington factories hum with the business of weaving oil and cotton into miles of fabric
for Sears,
Who takes this bounty back into the Caribbean Sea,
Headed for Haiti this time
(May she be one day soon free!).

Far from the Port-au-Prince palace,
Third world women toil doing piecework to Sears specifications for three dollars a day.
My sisters make my blouse.
It leaves the third world for the last time
Coming back into the sea to be sealed in plastic for me,
This third world sister,
And I go to the Sears department store where I buy my blouse
On sale for 20% discount.
Are my hands clean?

Tips and Reflections
for Student Activists
Jonathan Harris
When I arrived at Duke in the Fall of 1998, there was an active movement growing at Duke around issues of workers rights, specifically focusing on workers producing
Duke-licensed goods (t-shirts, sweats, etc.). However, this group was small . . . and
very white. Since then, the student movements here have grown, evolved, and diversified. Today, a strong multiracial organizing culture flourishes at Duke, thanks to the
work and input of many different groups and individuals. The campaigns on campus
have included assisting Duke nurses in an attempt to unionize, mobilizing around racism on campus in response to an offensive ad placed in the campus paper, pushing
for an Asian-American Studies Department, ending sweatshop labor, keeping Duke unionized jobs from being outsourced, organizing around sexual assaults on campus,
and much more. All this has developed over the course of my four years here, leaving
Duke an exciting place to be this fall!
I’d like to share a few things I’ve learned over the years that can help maintain a
strong student organizing presence:

If there’s not a significant presence of organizers on campus the year after
you graduate, you’ve failed as a student organizer, no matter how many successful campaigns you ran during your four or five years as a student.

As you get older, allow for time to train younger organizers, gradually thrusting them into positions of leadership. Don’t worry if they screw up sometimes because it’s better that they learn how to lead a campaign while you’re
still there to mentor them.

Don’t allow for an activist social “scene” to develop at your school. All this
does is make other potential organizers feel like outsiders, thus inhibiting
your ability to recruit. Always be mindful of who you hang out with, and although it’s okay to chill with fellow organizers at times, make sure you associate with people that you don’t organize with as well.

Make sure your organization is diverse. If it’s not, it means that a) you’re not
recruiting outside of your comfort zone, and/or b) your group’s goals and

strategies need to be changed to make
people of other races/classes/gender/
sexual preferences want to organize
with you.

Make sure everyone in your group has
something to do. It’s crucial that a
newer organizer feels that she is contributing something important to the
success of your campaigns.

Celebrate your victories. This will help
retain fellow organizing comrades as
they see the fruits of their labor.

Have fun while you organize! It’s easier to
recruit when you can show people that organizing
is fun and energizing, especially when you can
see the results of your organizing. Remember
that in our struggles for a better world, we are living and growing as we create change.

there is a
class, I am
in it. While
there is a
element, I
am of it.
there is a
soul is
prison, I
am not
Eugene V.

Get Active!
The Duke Progressive Alliance:
DPA works to provide progressive voices on campus through educational outreach, community organizing, and political action. For more information subscribe to progressive@duke.edu or visit www.duke.
Student-Employee Relations Committee:
SERC works to improve relations between students and employees and to provide student support for
employee struggles. Subscribe to dukeserc@yahoogroups.com or contact Andrea Hamilton
(aeh12@duke.edu) for more information.
United Students Against Sweatshops:
USAS is a national organization that works for labor rights for workers on campus and around the world.
Recent victories include the Mt. Olive Pickle Boycott and Duke joining the Workers Rights Consortium.
Subscribe to dukesas@duke.edu for more information or visit www.usasnet.org.
Student Peace Action Network
SPAN is a national organization that organizes against war and militarism and to shift the public debate
toward alternatives to violence-based solutions to global issues. Subscribe to dukespan@yahoogroups.
com or contact Jillian Johnson (jnj@duke.edu) for more information.
Break for a Change
BFC organizes house courses and spring break trips with a popular education and social justice focus.
Visit www.duke.edu/web/bfc or contact Amy Faulring (amf@duke.edu) for more information.
Rural Health Coalition
RHC raises awareness about the welfare of people living in rural communities in North Carolina. Contact
Jessica Rutter (jar17@duke.edu) for more information.
Hiwar serves to educate the Duke community about the political and social issues of the Middle East
and North Africa. Contact Yousuf Al-Bulushi (yma@duke.edu) for more information.
The Women’s Center
Provides a safe space for women on campus and programming about women’s issues. Visit them on the
web at wc.studentaffairs.duke.edu/.
The Center for LGBT Life
Provides a safe space for LGBT students on campus and programming about queer issues. Visit them
on the web at lgbt.studentaffairs.duke.edu.
The Freeman Center for Jewish Life
The Freeman Center provides religious services and cultural programs for the Jewish community at
Duke. Visit them on the web at fcjl.studentaffairs.duke.edu and for their home-cooked dinners (yummy!).

The Mary Lou Williams Center for Black Culture
Provides cultural programming and space about black issues and culture at Duke. Visit them on the web
at mlw.studentaffairs.duke.edu/.
The Multicultural Center
A new resource for multicultural programming at Duke. Provides support and programming for multicultural communities. Visit them on the web at mcc.studentaffairs.duke.edu.
Black Student Alliance
A student group that represents the interests of black people on campus. Visit them on the web at http://
Asian Students Association
Serves to educate the Duke community about the heritage of Asian and Asian-Pacific Americans and to
serve the interests of Asian-American students at Duke. Visit them on the web at www.duke.edu/asian/.
Diya works to promote a greater awareness of social, cultural, and political issues concerning South
Asia and promote cultural unity by celebrating our differences. www.duke.edu/web/diya/.
Native American Student Coalition
NASC educates the Duke community about Native American culture and issues.
Mi Gente
Mi Gente's mission is to promote awareness and sponsor activities about Latino cultural, political, educational, and social issues. Visit them on the web at www.duke.edu/web/migente
AQUADuke Duke Allies
AQUADuke and Duke Allies serve to educate the duke community about the social and political life of
the queer community. Visit them on the web at www.studentaffairs.duke.edu/queer
Hillel is a student organization that serves the needs of Jewish students on campus. Visit them on the
web at fcjl.studentaffairs.duke.edu.
Hindu Students Council
HSC is a cultural and religious resource for Hindu students on campus Visit them on the web at www.
Muslim Students Association
MSA is a cultural and religious resource for Muslim students on campus. They seek to educate the duke
community about Islam and religious issues. Visit them on the web at www.duke.edu/web/MSA/.
Triangle Jobs with Justice
Triangle Jobs with Justice is a coalition of groups concerned with labor rights in Raleigh, Durham,
Chapel Hill, Wake County, and Orange County. They host workers rights boards to evaluate the grievances of community workers. Visit JwJ on the web at www.jwj.org and contact the triangle branch at
403-8229 or visit them at 331 W. Main St. # 203 in downtown Durham.
Triangle Peace Coalition
The Triangle Peace Coalition is a network of peace groups in Durham, Raleigh, Chapel Hill, Orange
County and Wake County. The coalition organizes events and programming to oppose militarism and
promote alternatives to war. Join their listserve by subscribing to trianglepeacecoalition@yahoogroups.

Get Educated!
Common Dreams News Center
The Nation
Anti-Imperialist News Service
Independent Media Center
Utne Reader
Truthout Magazine
Free Speech TV
The Progressive
Guerilla News Network
The Alternative Information Center
Progressive Majority
Rolling Thunder Democracy Tour
Peace/ Anti-Militarism
Peace Action
Not in My Name

Peace 1st
North Carolinians for Alternatives to War
National Youth/Student Peace Coalition
War Resisters League
Women’s Int’l League for Peace & Freedom
Sierra Club
Earth First Journal
Education & Media
Rethinking Schools
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting
Consumer Awareness
Co-Op America
As You Sow Foundation
Domini Social Investments
Social Funds
Green Money Journal

Israel/ Palestine
The Electronic Intifada
Ha’aretz English Edition
Middle East Research & Information Project
Palestine Chronicle
Palestine Information Clearinghouse
Palestine Online
Applied Research Institute Jerusalem
Badil Research Center
Bat Shalom
Christian Peacemaker Teams
Defense for Children International-Palestine
Gush Shalom
Jewish Unity for a Just Peace
Democracy South
Democracy Rising
Center for Voting and Democracy
Third Wave Foundation
Nat’l Abortion Rights Action League
National Organization of Women

Human & Civil Rights
Anmesty International
Human Rights Campaign
National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People
Center for Economic and Social Rights:
Human Rights Watch
Economic Justice/ Anti-Corporate
Anti-Capitalist Convergence
Corporate Watch
Dollars & Sense Magazine
50 Years is Enough Network
Mobilization for Global Justice
Global Exchange
United Students Against Sweatshops
Sweatsop Watch
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities
Behind the Label
Public Citizen
The Common Sense Foundation
Black Radical Congress
U.S. Green Party
Democratic Socialists of America

Don’t Miss These Incredible Professors!
(these are only the recommendations that we received and is by no
means a comprehensive list of the great professors we have at Duke)

Charles Payne: History
Steve Schewel: Public Policy
Tony Brown: Public Policy
Jean O’Barr: Women’s Studies
David Need: English/ Literature
Elizabeth Kiss: History
Thavolia Glymph: African/African-American Studies
Houston Baker: English
Margaret McKean: Political Science
Larry Goodwyn: History (emeritus)

Other Professors with Great Politics and Decent Classes
Betsy Alden: Public Policy
Carol Childs: Dance
Tom DiPrete: Sociology
John French: History
Michael Hardt: Political Science
Bob Korstad: Public Policy
Sucheta Mazumdar: History
Deb Pope: Women’s Studies
Kristine Stiles: Art History

Other Professors with Great Classes and
Decent Politics
Alma Blount: Public Policy
Charlotte Pierce-Baker: AAAS
Miriam Cooke: AALL
Claudia Koontz: History
Ariel Dorfman: Literature
Barry Gaspar: AAAS
Raymond Gavins: AAAS
Bob Korstad: Public Policy
Wahneema Lubiano: AAAS
MarieLynn Miranda: Environmental Science
Bruce Payne: Public Policy
Reynolds Price: AAAS
Bill Raspberry: Public Policy
Antonio Viego: Spanish
Jonathan Warren: AAAS
Robin Wiegman: Women’s Studies
Departments Progressive Kids Shouldn’t Miss
Public Policy (sometimes)
African/ African-American Studies
Women’s Studies
Departments in Which Progressive Kids Would Do Well to Think
Even More Critically than Usual About the Information That is Presented
Political Science
Public Policy (sometimes)

Kill Your
Rules for Radicals, Saul Alinksky
Borderlands, La Frontera: The New Mestiza, Gloria Anzaldua
This Bridge called My Back, Gloria Anzaldua, et al
The Price of Motherhood, Anne Crittenden
Labor and Monopoly Capital, Harry Braverman
A Taste of Power, Elaine Brown
Empower the People, Tony Brown
Ordinary Men, Christopher Browning
Against Our Will, Susan Brownmiller
The Second Sex, Simone De Beauvoir
Society of the Spectacle, Guy DeBord
Guns, Germs, and Steel, Jared Diamond
Where the Girls Are, Susan Douglass
Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America, Barbara Ehrenreich,
Revolution in the Air, Max Elbaumco
Impure Science: AIDS, Activism, and the Politics of Knowledge, Steven Epstein
Black Skin, White Masks, Frantz Fanon
Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon
Students Against Sweatshops: The Making of a Movement, Liza Featherstone
The Fight in the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the Farmworkers Movement, Susan
Feriss and Ricardo Sandoval
White Collar Sweatshop, Jill Andresky Frazer
Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Paulo Freire
One World, Ready or Not, William Greider
The Mismeasure of Man, Stephen Jay Gould
Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri
The Other America, Michael Harrington
The Second Shift, Arlie Hochschild
Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, bell hooks
Soledad Brother: Prison Letters of George Jackson
No Logo, Naomi Klein
When Corporations Rule the World, David Korten

Sweatshop Warriors, Miriam Ching-Yoon Louie
The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx
Who Cooked the Last Supper?, Rosalind Miles
Lockdown America, Christian Parenti
I’ve Got the Light of Freedom, Charles Payne
The Karma of Brown Folk, Vijay Prashad
And the Band Played On, Randy Schiltz
Fast Food Nation, Eric Schloser
The Overworked American, Juliet Schor
Stolen Harvest, Vandana Shiva
Dreaming the Dark, Starhawk
Strangers from a Different Shore, Robert Takaki
African Roots/American Cultures, Sheila S. Walker
The Trouble with Normal, Michael Warner
A People's History of the United States, Howard Zinn
Zinn on History, Howard Zinn
Things Fall Apart, Chinua Achebe
The Handmaids Tale, Margaret Atwood
Mists of Avalon, Marion Zimmer Bradley
A Clockwork Orange, Anthony Burgess
Invisible Man, Ralph Ellison
Catch-22, Joseph Heller
Les Miserable, Victor Hugo
Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston
Brave New World, Aldous Huxley
On the Road, Jack Kerouac
The Bluest Eye, Tony Morrison
Song of Solomon, Tony Morrison
1984, George Orwell
Animal Farm, George Orwell
Woman on the Edge of Time, Marge Piercey
The Fifth Sacred Thing, Starhawk
The Grapes of Wrath, Steinbeck
Slaughterhouse Five, Kurt Vonnegut
Meridian, Alice Walker
Native Son, Richard Wright

Disorient Yourself!

Want to take action?!
Continue your disorientation by
working on some of these projects
this year on campus and in the

Social Justice Fair
Tired of corporate dominated career and internship fairs every year? Help Progressive
Alliance plan a “Social Justice Fair,” where students can get connected to individuals
and groups who are making change happen, both at home and nationally.
Progressive Campus News
Don’t let this be the last progressive publication that you read at Duke! Join a committee to develop a permanent progressive alternative for campus news and artistic and
political expression.
Archiving our Work
Have information from the last few years of Progressive Alliance history? Have information about social activism at Duke in the past? Help us archive the contributions of
progressive student activists and leaders throughout the history of Duke University.
Radical Rush
Need an alternative to rush? Help us recruit freshmen and upperclassmen into progressive student groups with this spring’s radical rush. We want to develop a politicized
rush process that gives people an alternative to greek and selective house, keeps peo-

ple thinking, and lets us all have a great time.
Radical Cheerleading
What’s a demonstration without chanting? Join the new Progressive Alliance radical
cheerleading squad and learn new chants, perfect old ones, and have a great time
working for social change.
Rolling Thunder Democracy Tour
The Rolling Thunder Down Home Democracy Tour is coming to Durham! Headlined by
Texan speaker Jim Hightower, the tour brings communities together for food, dancing,
music, and fun and helps educate people about democracy, progressive politics, and
the political process. Contact Doug Stuber at 919-245-0567 and dougstuber@aol.com.
Jobs With Justice
Triangle Jobs With Justice is a coalition of labor unions and community activists that
work together to address issues of labor in Durham, Raleigh, and Chapel Hill. They
have created a Workers Rights Board to hear grievances from area workers and issue
policy recommendations. Contact Theresa El-Amin at OTSNorth@aol.com
Mt. Olive Pickle Boycott
Last year we had a great victory when Duke decided to continue boycotting Mt. Olive
pickles because of the treatment of farmworkers in North Carolina that work for the
company. Help us maintain this boycott effort by working to get other institutions to
honor it. Contact Nick Wood at flocnc.org
No More Outsourcing Campaign
Outsourcing hurts workers and students and sets a dangerous precendent for Duke’s
treatment of their employees. Help us fight for local control of our university and fair
treatment of all Duke Employees. Hook up with SERC to work on this campaign.
Duke Living Wage
Could you live on $6.40 an hour? Neither can our employees! Join Duke students in
providing support for employees and their unions as they struggle for fair wages and
Tune into the Progressive Alliance listserve to get more information about these
campaigns and others at progressive@duke.edu. To subscribe, email “subscribe
progressive” to majordomo@duke.edu

This has been a
publication of:
The Duke Progressive

Jillian Johnson
Natalie Lamela
Contributing Writers:
Yousuf Al-Bulushi
Allison Brim
Andrea Hamilton
Rachel Harold
Jonathan Harris
Chris Hsu
Erica Maharg
Ben Weller
TeMeka Williams
Duke’s Progressive Community
The Stanford Disorientation Guide
The Independent Media Movement

We welcome your comments, criticism, and ideas!
Please send remarks to dukedisguide@hotmail.com

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