NYU Disorientation Guide 2008


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NYU Disorientation Guide 2008




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GUIDE 2008

another orientation is possible...

NYU Disorientation
Guide 2008
NYU is a corporation. NYU Inc. is a radical
publication run by NYU students.
The 2008 DisOrientation Guide is a production
of NYU Inc.

NYU’s Year in Struggles - 2007-8 ........................4
White Privilege at NYU..........……………..……….6
Queer NYUnity.........……………………….……….7

The folks that made this Guide possible:

Feminism is dead (j/k lol)..........……….…....……..8

Authors and Editors!

Taking NYU Back - Disclosure, Democracy and the
Future of NYU.........……………......……….……...9

Duncan Caitlin Andy Beet Julia
Nate Maton Andrés García Martín Gómez
Kate Fritz
Maggie Craig Cathryn Swan
Front cover illustration by Ethan Young.
(Thank you for taking shit from us and restarting from scratch with good humor!) Back
cover by Seth Tobocman, from his incredible
new book Disaster & Resistance
Students Creating Radical Change
Graduate Student Organizing Committee
Earth Matters
Community Roots
Students for Education on Animal Liberation
Tuition Reform Action Coalition
Thanks also to everyone who takes the time to
read this zine. Hope to see you soon.
Anti-Copyright! All materials in this zine for
which the authors have legal copyright can be
freely reproduced or distributed with no need
for prior permission from the authors. (To be
more explicit: copy this on NYU’s dime and give
it away if you can.)

If Student Government is a Sham,
Why am I a Senator?...........................................11
How NYU Works: A Flow Chart................………10
NYU Works Because We Do: An Union Struggles
at NYU……………………………….…............….12
NYC Activist Map………………………................16
Historic Places in Lower Manhattan..…………...17
Rad NYC Resources and Groups..……………...18
Exchanging Students for Dollars - NYU’s Global
Activism Schmactivism…............………………..22
Eco-Activism at NYU………………..............…....23
Vivisection at NYU - A Hidden Nightmare………24
Washington Square Park-The Destruction of a
Perfect Public Space.................…………………25
War/ SDS…………………….............…………....26
Meet the Trustees!…...........……………………...28
Radical Reading List..........…………………….....29
Radical Faculty......…...………………........……..30
NYU Student Clubs……………………................31

An introduction to student activism at NYU

Earlier this year, Jessica Roy, one of the many
NYU students working 25+ hours a week and taking on thousands of dollars in loans to attend NYU
asked university president John Sexton about following your dreams at this dream-school of ours
while fighting the burden of sometimes crippling
debt. This was President Sexton’s response:

Well, for students in positions like yours, I have
to really wonder if you belong at NYU. Is the debt
worth being here?
The Disorientation Guide is a publication for those
who believe students from all walks of life belong
at NYU. This does not mean it is a publication for
the merely righteously indignant – as students, we
have power, and it is up to us to defend and use
that power to improve the world. Hopefully this Disorientation Guide will be a first step in the road to
empowering yourself as a student and human being in your 4 years attending NYU.

Our school remains fundamentally undemocratic.
We call this publication ‘NYU Inc.’ because NYU
runs like a corporation, with decisions made on
high from a dense and arrogant bureaucracy.
From expansion plans to risky international ventures and tuition hikes - all of which directly impact
the quality of education students get at NYU - important decisions remain the exclusive domain of
President Sexton and the elitist cabal of CEOs
and lawyers on the Board of Trustees. Each of
the ongoing battles for animal rights, racial justice
and environmental sustainability ultimately must
confront this lack of student empowerment at the
core of NYU.

NYU students should have power at their school.
By its own account, NYU needs its students. The
administration makes it clear that student tuition
(which keeps increasing) makes up the bulk of
NYU’s operating budget. It also needs its students to supply the intellectual energy that makes
NYU the dream school we know and sometimes
NYU is a school in a New York City that stands love today. Students should have the power to
at a crossroads. The city many know and love as determine the conditions of their study and the
the hotbed for many of last century’s cultural revo- use of their tuition.
lutions is under withering attack from rising rents,
unaccountable police zealotry and the privatization We want this guide to be a source of hope. By
of public space. NYU has a part to play in many of understanding the history of social movements at
these transformations, and has been a focal point NYU, you can better understand how to change
for many of the people trying to fight them. This our university in the future. NYU’s administration
guide is meant to give you a leg-up on the various maintains its exclusive hold on power because
ongoing struggles surrounding NYU as an institu- NYU students feel demoralized about their ability
to change their school; resigned to our fates, we
shuffle towards graduation without turning an eye
In the face of these struggles, we believe that stu- to the impact we can make in our few years at
dents should be at the forefront of changing NYU Washington Square.
for the better. Students today are standing on the
shoulders of decades of radical activists – from the We hope that the struggles documented here
Columbia building takeovers to the vanguard that demonstrate that not only change is possible, but
spearheaded the 60s and 70s anti-war movement, that a whole new NYU is possible - should we
students have rightfully been at the center of dem- rise to demand it.
ocratic social change. Now, it is up to us to use this
historical position to confront contemporary social
Love and Rage,
ills head-on, with radical energy.
Duncan + Disorientation Crew

Building Change
building Hope
one student at a time


NYU’s Year of Struggles
Looking Back at 2007-2008

At this point in your education, you’ve doubtless
been told a great deal about NYU as an academic institution: the classes you can take, the best
professors to take them with, and how valuable
that NYU diploma will be in 4 years.

Here’s a little bit of catch-up on NYU as a political institution. Last year the NYU administration kept its reputation of running our school
like a real estate corporation, pursuing expansion
projects across boroughs and continents while
attempting to manage pushback from students
and local citizens on issues of social justice closer to home.

NYU Expansion and Construction: Purple People Eater
NYU’s growth in 2007-8 was a series of firsts (and
hopefully lasts). Right off the bat as fall classes
started, NYU finished up an agreement with the
Emirate of Abu Dhabi to establish NYU Abu Dhabi, a full fledged university located on an island
in the Persian Gulf. Immediately, students and
concerned faculty recognized potential problems
for the university – building a full campus in Abu
Dhabi poses risks to worker’s rights, queer students, and others who will be subject to the antidemocratic whim of Abu Dhabi’s unaccountable
government. (See Page 20) These issues were
raised soon after in a town hall with University
President Sexton, who bumbled his way through
a rudimentary ‘trust us!’ response that ended up
on YouTube (search [sexton town hall]). NYU
Abu Dhabi remains a source of controversy for
the administration, spurring negative coverage
from major New York City publications and a new
activist group NYU Students for Fair Labor in
Abu Dhabi asking NYU to ensure decent treatment of construction workers at the campus.

Expansion planning was big closer to home. NYU
began a multi-year public discussion managed
by its PR department called the NYU 2031 Process, meant to allow community comment on the
next 25 years of NYU’s growth in the city. Each
meeting triggered different community reactions
(generally from mild to irate), with NYU eventually crafting a joint statement with the Manhattan
Borough President and the head of Greenwich
Village Historic Preservation Society that agrees
to non-binding planning principles for the next
25 years. In the mean time, the administration
threw away some of that goodwill by threatening
to evict one of the East Village’s last remaining
low-cost grocery stores (Met Foods on 2nd Ave)
and suddenly threatening to demolish the Provincetown Playhouse on Macdougal St. Both of
these decisions triggered backlash from preservationists and anti-gentrification activists.
Other big decisions include NYU’s impending move to the outer boroughs. This summer,
NYU completed a major acquisition of Brooklyn
Polytechnic Institute, a move that effectively
transforms Poly into an engineering department
of NYU, and allows NYU access to all of Poly’s
real estate (as well as debt, a not terribly-small
problem of its own). This provides a toehold for
the administration to move university functions, students and capital across the river,
a prospect that has more than a few long time
Brooklynites concerned about the already toorapid changes befalling the borough. Similarly,
NYU opened its first dorm in Brooklyn, Livingston
Dorm, for grad students.
The most visible story on campus remains Washington Square Park. (See Page 25) This travesty of a park remodeling began in the middle of
winter in late 2007 (controversial park remodeling always begins in winter in New York
City to deter community protest). Have
no doubts: NYU made the remodeling
happen. The school donated $1 million
to city parks for the renovation, and the
Tisch Family provided even more. The
Parks Department cleared the final legal
hurdle for demolition in late 2007, and
went right to work. The plan cuts down
trees, reduces seating space and fences in much of the park. The net effect
will be to eliminate spontaneous interactions and frustrate political gatherings. In
March, a group of NYU students staged
a protest called the Washington Square

Park Blowjob - community members wrote messages about the demolition on helium balloons, which
were then tied up throughout the park, expressing
visually the scale of exclusion required to demolish
a historic community gathering space.

Student Life: We are the University!
2007-2008 displayed the vibrancy and difficulties of
student activism at NYU. One of the most visible
developments last year was the beginning of the
Take Back NYU! campaign, demanding that NYU’s
administration disclose its operating budget and
endowment investments, and place a student representative on the Board of Trustees. (See Page 9)
The campaign began in the early fall with the event
What is NYU Hiding?, calling out NYU on its cagey
secrecy that guards numerous policies supporting
social injustice. The campaign developed throughout the year through discussions with student government and other student groups, and made news
in the spring with a follow up event called What is
NYU Hiding in Abu Dhabi?,
helping instigate more student
backlash to the administration’s
ventures in Abu Dhabi.
On the labor rights front, the
Graduate Student Organizing Committee continued its
battle for the right to represent
its constituents. (See Page 12)
After breaking the Grad Student strike in 2005, NYU established a ‘company union’ called
the House of Delegates. When
GSOC organizers won all the
House’s leadership positions
and began making demands for
the right to unionize and substantively improve the working conditions of grad
students, the Administration balked, and refused
to deal with the organization.
On the positive side, NYU continued the process of
reforming its purchasing policies last year. 2 years
after student activists forced the administration to
remove all Coca-Cola products from campus
because of the murders of union leaders at Coke
bottling plants, an un-named group of people tried
to re-introduce Coke products on campus. Allegedly Coke complied with a demand for a third party
investigation of the murders, fulfilling the demands
made by the Student Senate as conditions for having Coke on campus. Further investigation by student activists revealed many problems with Coke’s
claim to comply with the demands, and student
senators defeated the proposal to introduce Coke
back on campus.
Also, as a result of the efforts of campus Oxfam,

NYU continued moving towards sourcing fair
trade products for sale on campus. After beginning the switch to fair trade coffee, the NYU
Bookstore agreed to begin sourcing fair trade
cotton for t-shirts sold in the bookstore. An ongoing struggle, Oxfam is considering a push for fair
trade bananas in dining halls, as well as other
projects on campus.
Late in the spring semester, the Student Senate
made a partial concession to the NYU chapter of
Students Taking Action Now: Darfur (STAND)
by passing an advisory resolution asking the
NYU administration to review its investments to
assess the feasibility of divesting from the Sudan. The result of months of quiet pressure by
STAND, the resolution raises the possibility of a
divestment campaign in 2008-9.
In the spring, 5 New York City cops were acquitted of all charges for the shooting death of
Sean Bell in 2006. A faulty
prosecution and cop-friendly
judicial system meant notguilty verdicts on all counts.
In response, the NYU Center for Multicultural Education, C-Roots, LUCHA,
Students Creating Radical
Change and others joined
together for a 3-day series of
events confronting systemic
racism and police brutality in
New York.
Finally, the NYU administration gave students a cold
send-off heading into the
summer break. In the last
days of April, students received notification that
tuition would rise yet again, continuing a decade long streak of annual tuition hikes. The
raise was nearly 6% (the average increase) and
again came with little or no substantive explanation as to where or why the money was being
spent. With NYU’s tuition, construction and foreign ventures all on the upswing, the pressure
is also rising on the administration to create a
more just and accountable university – a struggle
that will be taken up yet again in the 2008-2009
school year.
- Duncan



Daily Battles: NYU and White Privilege
By Andrés García and Martín Gómez of Community Roots

It is difficult to speak about white privilege in NYU.
In an institution which prides itself on being "in
and of the city," complaints of white privilege are
often looked at skeptically, if not outright disregarded.
As students of color ourselves, we often feel shy
of bringing up issues regarding race, fearing accusations of playing "the race card." Such reservations further add to feelings of isolation and
alienation that students of color often experience
on university campuses.
These feelings are completely warranted, especially when one considers that
white privilege is, in fact, a
reality at NYU.
An equal opportunity educator such as NYU, which
has a reputation for being
fairly liberal, may not exhibit
any blatant biases or partial
treatment towards whites.
Yet, it's important to remember that NYU does not exist
in a social vacuum; the privilege manifests itself
in the makeup of our student body. Whites significantly outnumber blacks and latinos at NYU.
In 2006, out of nearly 41,000 enrolled students,
5.1% and 6.5% were black and latino, respectively. Meanwhile, a whopping 46.8% were white.
This is indicative of how the privilege allotted to
whites in society in general translates to the realm
of higher education.
Entire books can and have been written on the
ever present institutionalized racism that plagues
people of color in the U.S. So rather than delve
into the specifics regarding the societal disadvantages blacks and latinos suffer from, it would
be of greater value to analyze what to do with
this knowledge. How do we combat this ongoing
obstacle, especially when attending a highly regarded and revered university such as NYU, an
opportunity many of our black and latino peers do
not have the resources to pursue?
While it would be foolish to insinuate we have the
fool-proof solution to said dilemma, that should not
prevent us from facing the issue of white privilege
at NYU and how it manifests itself, i.e. through
lack of racial and ethnic diversity, head on.


The aforementioned feelings of isolation and
alienation we may experience can be particularly
distressing. It is not uncommon to be one of a
handful, at most, of black and brown students in
your classes. Not surprisingly, this seems to contribute to a noticeable social pattern on campus,
that of self segregation.
The “clique-ish” nature of NYU becomes more
than apparent if you observe the racial makeup of
students interacting with each other on campus.
More often than not, you will see whites hanging out with other whites,
blacks with other blacks,
and so on. For students of
color in particular, finding
these social niches can
potentially make or break
our stay at NYU. Being
significantly outnumbered
can be incredibly intimidating, and being around
“familiar” faces can definitely provide comfort.
That said, once again the
questions arises: what do
we do now? Well, if NYU will not spearhead any
initiatives to combat white privilege and attempt to
accept more students of color, we have to pioneer
the movement ourselves. Of course, letters and
appeals can be written to President Sexton and
other officials regarding the matter, but substantial change will probably not occur during our stay
at the University. That does not render these efforts useless though.
However, in addition to these long term initiatives,
short term ones are needed to supplement them.
We should try to make the effort to diversify our
own circles and be outgoing towards members of
different racial and ethnic groups at NYU. Though
this will not help bring more minorities into NYU, it
will help unify the existing student body. This may
not be a viable or a desirable option for some of
us. Culture shocks may ensue, as well as uncomfortable encounters. However, it provides some
alternative to the seemingly never-ending stalemate in NYU’s battle for diversity. At the end of
our tenure at NYU, we can at least be with the
effort we made to incite change in ourselves, and
as a result, in the student body.
Contact C-Roots: c-roots@lists.nyu.edu

Queer Union is NYU’s largest student club fighting the multiplicative oppressions of race, class,
gender and sexuality. We are the second oldest
LGBT student organization in the United States,
founded in 1969
as the League
of Student Homophiles by a group of NYU students, including
Rita Mae Brown. Queer Union members have
participated in historic demonstrations: the
Weinstein sit-in organized by Sylvia Rivera,
extensive involvement in ACT-UP, and coordination of the first College Queer Leadership Conference in the spring of 2004.

Queer NYUnity

In addition to activism, Queer Union organizes a number of social events on campus
for queers students and allies, including
Diva Ball in the fall and Masquerade in the
Queer Union fights to dismantle the multiplicative oppressions of neoliberal capitalism.
Advocating with a focus on all students, we
aim to increase awareness, build alliances,
and actualize positive change. Informed by
an intersectional framework, Queer Union
interrogates the political economy of visibility through public education campaigns on
issues such as immigration, gentrification,
and marriage.
This year you can look forward to great
events on subjects such as:
- The Law & Language of Identity Politics
- Tourism & the Politics of Desire
- Transgender folks & The Prison Industrial
- HIV & Women of Color
- The Global Gaze: Human Rights & the Gay
To join our list serve send a blank email to: joinqueer.union@lists.nyu.edu.
For suggestions, co-sponsorships, or media inquiries, email us at: queer.union.club@nyu.edu.


feminism is dead.
That’s what it seems like, at least. The media has construed feminists as a bunch of crazy man-haters
who are hung up on issues that barely affect anyone. Clearly, women have the right to vote and work
and all that jazz, what are feminists still upset about?
Originally, feminism began as a ght against patriarchy, a complex web of ideas, everyday practices,
and ensconced institutions that systemically privilege heterosexual men. It sounds complicated, but
it’s not, even though it might be slightly more covert and complex than a conception of Victorian-era
masculine domination.
Patriarchy is what is at play every time someone on the street whistles at you, turning you into a
piece of meat rather than a thinking and breathing human being, in every assumption that someone’s
supervisor is a man, in every photograph of a woman’s shaved legs, in every doubting inquiry into
sexual assault. More than anywhere else, patriarchy is present in the heterosexual relationships so
expected in college life. It’s in every “walk of shame” ever experienced by a woman, rather than “a
tranquil stroll home after spending the night with a lover”; every fake moan, fake orgasm, the very
lack of orgasm to begin with; every time a female has told a partner she’s on her period and they no
longer wanted to touch.
Even in our classes, most of our professors
are men, the books we read are written and
edited by men, the gures we study are men,
and the folks called on most often are men.
At the health center, females are given appointments with male gynecologists without
being asked if they’re comfortable with such
a situation. The doctors and nurses ask if we
use protection and - making the assumption
that women engage in intercourse with males
- suggest the pill, the shot, or even Norplants,
all of which mess with our hormones and
are potentially carcinogenic. They suggest
keeping a dose of Plan B around, just in case.
They never suggest alternatives to tampons
or pads and birth control pills. The very idea of
menstrual cups or charting our fertility cycles
is - like everywhere else - never mentioned.
Yet feminism is about far more than all this. It’s about ghting about all the ingrained assumptions
that separate “boy” and “girl” in our minds that at this point, seem completely natural, universal, and
eternal – common sense, if you will. While feminism is especially identied with women, at its heart, it
is a struggle concerned with smashing the conceptions in people’s minds that women are like this and
men are like that. It’s about creating an egalitarian society where gender is understood as a social
construction and allowing folks to create any identity they desire regardless of their physical sex.
The patriarchal system we live in is completely invested in the perpetuation of this model. If individuals rise against this oppression, the status quo pushes them back into their silence by writing them off
as insane or by assimilating maxims like “girl power” into their latest marketing campaign. To ght this
system, we must begin by understanding the relevance of feminism in our own lives. Whether male
or female, girl or boy or in-between, straight or queer, feminism is pertinent to every single one of us.
How can’t it matter?
- beet



Take Back NYU! is a campaign that seeks to
address many of the problems cataloged in the
Disorientation Guide by challenging the administration on the fundamental issue of democracy at
NYU. Take Back! gets to the heart of many problems at NYU – a removed, arrogant administration that almost never needs to listen to the people
it makes decisions about. Take Back NYU! has
three basic demands:
1. Disclosure of NYU’s operating budget
2. Disclosure of the school’s endowment investments
3. The inclusion of a student on the Board of
TBNYU! began last fall as the outgrowth of a few
different campaigns. Leading TBNYU! are members of the Tuition Reform Action Coalition, which
tried to take steps to bring tuition hikes under control, and Killer Coke, a campaign that successfully
removed Coca-Cola products from NYU’s campus
because of its connection to the murder of union
leaders in South America. Other participants in
the campaign include members of the Immigration
Coalition, and members of Students for Education
on Animal Liberation.

decisions at NYU occur without the knowledge and
consent of the people they impact. For instance,
the negotiations and deliberations over NYU Abu
Dhabi occurred almost entirely in secret before
they were sprung on the student body last October. Real estate purchases (or decisions to demolish historic buildings) only become public after
contracts are signed.
NYU’s problems go farther than the public battles
you will see before you graduate. Many students
would like to know how much NYU spends on animal testing. Or, whether female professors make
as much as their male colleagues. Others want to
know whether NYU’s investment in the sciences
(for instance) measures up to our supposed peer
institutions. Disclosing NYU’s endowment investments would reveal whether NYU supports war
mongering dictators in the Sudan, or war profiteers
closer to home.

A student on the board of trustees would be another important first step towards democracy at NYU.
At best, students now occupy advisory positions,
forced to ask nicely for changes at the school
they define and finance. Students make NYU an
interesting, vibrant and prestigious school; denying them control over basic university decisions
The various interests of Take Back’s organizers betrays the promise NYU made to be a “private
demonstrate the broad appeal of the campaign, school in the public service.”
and the scope of problems associated with NYU
as an institution. As shown in the student govern- As a student helping organize Take Back NYU, I
ment article, decision makers at NYU almost nev- know that we’re making big demands. However,
er have to see an average student when deciding I think this is a struggle we can win, because we
from on high that (for instance) tuition should in- hold the high ground. If the administration is truely
crease, that your school is expanding to a foreign acting in the interests of students and the comcountry, or that your favorite professor will be de- munity at large, they have nothing to lose from
nied a raise to pay for another “rock-star” hire in agreeing to our demands. Secrecy only protects
the economics department.
corruption and incompetence; democracy can only
build NYU into a stronger, more successful and
Take Back NYU! wants to ensure that the folks just university.
calling the shots know their decisions are subject
to public scrutiny and their deliberations require -Duncan
the inclusion of student’s voices. Many troubling

NYU’s Student Government is a Sham.

So Why am I a Senator?

by College of arts and sciences senator
Caitlin Boehne

Let’s get one thing straight: I love NYU and I
wouldn’t rather be anywhere else. Allow me to
clarify another thing: NYU’s got some serious
problems. And instead of excusing the way the
administration treats its students, faculty and
community, I’ve decided to get my hands dirty
and create some change by being on the Student

9 people, the officers of the board of trustees,
pop in from time to time for a fancy luncheon with
John Sexton, put in some quick votes on some
big questions before jetting off in their limos to
their high-rolling jobs without ever facing a single
student. It’s these 9 people— selected for their
donations to NYU, not their knowledge about
higher ed— who give the thumbs up on each and
every decision that’s made at our university. And
There’s a massive disconnect between NYU’s there’s no reason to think these rich, old men
decision-making structure and
who are calling all the shots
most people’s idea of a wellThe Board of Trustees have can relate to the majority of
run university.
students at NYU. They have
collaborative decision-making, no clue what it feels like to no clue what it feels like to
open meetings, input from those take a full course load and take a full course load and
that are most affected— all work 30 hours a week. Or to work 30 hours a week. Or to
these ideas are lost on NYU’s
be in debt. Or how it feels to be in debt. Or how it feels to
administration. Decisions are
have someone tell them no.
made behind closed doors and have someone tell them no. Or to invest in— and make
doled out from the tippy-top,
sacrifices for— something
flowing down to the thousands of students and (cough, our education, cough) and not have any
faculty that make up this university. Seriously, say in it whatsoever.
who actually likes to have pronouncements
handed to them by some far-removed body made That, in a nutshell, is why I’m a student senator.
up of economic elites?
NYU’s decision-making structure is a joke, and
drastic reforms are needed to make it functional.
With a decision-making structure as undemocratic So let’s move! Let’s fix this disaster! We are
as ours, it’s no wonder that NYU’s student not just an overwhelming majority, we are the
government is severely handicapped. Every university – the students that learn and work, the
student, faculty member, dean, and administrator faculty that teach, and the staff that run the show
on campus could shout a resounding “YES!” for – and we deserve the power to determine how
any given cause at the top of their lungs and it our university is run. Coming to a consensus on
would only take a whisper of “no” from 9 people that won’t be difficult, so what’s stopping us from
to put the kibosh on their collective will. These succeeding?
We have a more vested interest in
ensuring the quality of our education,
our degree and our life than any trustee
does. NYU is just a blip on their radar, a
check they write for prestige and power.
NYU is what we eat, sleep, and breathe.
Leave the decisions to us.


Just who are
the trustees?
Flip to page 26
to find out!


Officers of the Board
(including Sexton)

President Sexton
University Administration
Admin. Management Council
Deans Council
Student Senators Council

Faculty Senators Council

Student Senators Council (SSC) consists of:
* 15 Senators (1 from each school)
* 7 Senators-at-Large (appointed by elected members of SSC)

● Reps. from Faculty Senate, Deans Council, & Student Affairs
● Chairs of UCSL Subcommittees (IGC, Student Advisory
Board, and Inter-Hall Residential Council)
● Presidents of each school’s Student Council

Less students, more power!

University Committee
on Student Life


The Board of Trustees

All Student Councils

(one for each grad and undergrad school)
CAS GSAS Tisch Tisch Grad Gallatin Gallatin Grad Stern Stern Grad
Steinhardt Steinhardt Grad Med Law Wagner SCPS Dentistry Social Work

Constituents (You!)
Board of Trustees: Composed of 46 rich folks who buy their membership. Eight of the richest + John Sexton make up the officers of
the board, who make all the important (read: $$$) decisions. They
are also the only individuals who have access to NYU's entire operating budget. Many of these dudes have been involved in shady business deals (see Trustee article). Oh, and the officers of the board
are 88% white, 100% male, 100% rich, and 100% old. Sweet.
John Sexton: presides over the Senate, Cheney-style, and makes
recommendations to the Board of Trustees
All-U Senate: Made up of student and faculty senators, deans, and
some administrators. Actual voting rarely occurs here, it’s more a
tool the administration uses for information dissemination. Once,
though, in 2005, the Senate actually pushed through a universitywide ban on Coke for unethical labor practices in their bottling plants.
The most power a student or faculty senator has is the power to make
recommendations to John Sexton, who will then relay the message
(we hope) to the board of trustees. Senate meetings are closed, unless you can score a guest pass (ask your senator for one!).

Student Senators Council: Exclusively student senators. This
meeting is also closed.
University Committee on Student Life: Student senators + alternate senators + student council presidents + some student life-y
admin. This meeting is open, so come and listen to them discuss
Strawberry Fest. Most discussion happens in committees, so this is
really just an information spread-fest, like USenate.
Student Council: This is the base level of student government at
NYU. Every undergrad and grad school at NYU has a student council. Student councils manage clubs within their respective schools
and advocate for their students to the upper levels of student government, but most focus on building “a sense of community.” Anyone
can join and the meetings are always open. You can obtain voting
rights in your student council if you attend a few meetings. Check
here: www.nyu.edu/stugov/councils.html for info about your school’s
student council.


Brief Introduction to
NYU Works Because We Do: An
Union Struggles at NYU
NYU is a corporation. In addition to “physical” goods (apparel, real estate) it also produces knowledge,
ideas, credentials and emotions such as analytic philosophy and collegiality. Producing all this stuff
requires multiple kinds of labor from lots of people. People who are increasingly forming unions.
Workers form unions to cement their collective power on the shop floor, to protect against managerial
exploitation, favoritism, and harmful shortcuts, and, of course, to fight for decent wages, health care,
and other benefits.
NYU’s graduate student teaching assistants (TA’s) and research assistants
make up the Graduate Student Organizing Committee (GSOC), which is
affiliated with the professional division of the United Autoworkers (UAW).
TA’s and adjunct faculty do the vast majority of the teaching at NYU and
many other universities. Their compensation is far lower than that of their
tenured colleagues and they have no job security and little academic
freedom, making them more easily replaceable and exploitable. Before
GSOC negotiated its first contract,
TA pay scales were unequal from
department to department AND
within departments, while health
care was inaccessibly expensive.
Departments with more women
and more students of color tended
to pay less than the whiter, more
male departments, too! TA’s began
to organize to change this system
in 1997. Even after the federal
government legally required NYU
to negotiate with GSOC, TA’s
were forced to take to the streets
and threaten to strike before the
administration agreed to recognize
their union and sign a contract with
Photo: Gary He
them. The first contract meant
a 40% raise for TA’s on average. Health care became affordable, and GSOC secured a grievance
procedure to deal with problems that arose (faculty demanding TA’s run personal errands or work more
than the contract stipulates, etc.)
At private universities, graduate employees have had to contend with an administrative
strategy that denies that what they do is work--that erases their labor. President Sexton has repeatedly
referred to teaching assistantships as not labor, but rather a “calling.” In 2004, Bush administration
labor officials reversed precedent and ruled that graduate employees were ‘primarily students’ and
therefore not entitled to legal protections. The NYU administration seized on this opportunity and
refused to negotiate a second contract with GSOC, since it was no longer legally required to do so.
GSOCers again tried to persuade the administration to negotiate. But Sexton’s only response
was to declare the union a thing of the past. GSOC set a strike date as a last resort, and after President
Sexton rebuffed a last minute entreaty from the faculty to negotiate with the union, hundreds of graduate
student workers walked out. Undergraduates came out in droves to support them, and on November
30, 2005, hundreds of undergrads and grad students stormed Bobst library to demand a meeting with
administrators, shutting it down in the middle of the day.
Two days earlier, President Sexton had emailed every striker, threatening to fire them from
their jobs and blacklist them from future work for as many as three semesters if they did not return by
a set date. These threats were ultimately successful in creating a climate of fear and frustration that
led many to stop striking. But hundreds of TAs stayed out for over six months, even after twenty-five
strikers were targeted for the promised “punishments” and lost their jobs. The strike ended over the
summer of 2006 in a stalemate – the university was still not negotiating, but the union wasn’t dead
either, it was growing. Now GSOC is campaigning for federal legislation, supported by Senator Obama,
that would restore their rights as workers under federal law.
12 Staff organizer: Rana Jaleel, contact: gsocuaw@gmail.com. 212-529-2580

Adjunct faculty formed a union at NYU in 2002. Exploitation of adjunct labor has been central to
NYU’s transformation into a top tier research institution over the last fifteen years, and numerous
observers have represented this precariously employed lumpenprofessoriat as the dark underbelly of
NYU’s recent habit of poaching superstar faculty from other institutions. Indeed, in the last decade,
NYU has been increasingly replacing TA work with people paid as adjuncts or postdoctoral fellows,
creating a job structure in which people may teach less in graduate school, but will be without job
security and benefits for much more of their careers. NYU’s adjuncts unionized because of concern
over the future of the profession as well as very pressing needs for immediate changes in the workplace:
low pay, bad benefits, and a lack of office space and support. NYU again stalled in negotiating and a
contract wasn’t settled until Spring 2004 – after a strike threat. Undergrads organized to support the
adjuncts by launching an “I ♥ My Adjunct Professor” campaign. The adjuncts belong to UAW local
7902, along with adjunct faculty at The New School, who negotiated their first contract in the fall of
2005. Like GSOC, the adjuncts union has been forced to rely heavily on the grievance procedure to
enforce the terms of their contract. They’ve won many of these grievances, but the administration has
been fighting them tooth and nail.
President: Joel Schlemowitz, contact: nyu@actuaw.org. 212-432-2120
NYU’s 1800 clerical and technical
workers have been members of
UCATS (University Clerical and
Technical Staff) AFT Local 3882
since 1979. Like counterparts at
Yale and Columbia, UCATS has
had a fraught relationship with the
NYU administration, striking several
times over its thirty year existence,
including a three week strike in 1989
and a one week strike in 1996. The
most recent contract between NYU
and UCATS was signed in November
of 2005 and lasts until 2011.
President: Stephen Rechner, contact:
Ucats@erols.com, 646-602-1485
NYU subcontracts its food service operations to the industry giant Aramark. Dining hall workers
belong to RWDSU/UFCW Local 1102, a Long Island-based local that represents workers at H&M,
Stony Brook, Ellis Island, and Saks Fifth Avenue.
President: Frank Bail, contact: 516-683-1102
NYU’s physical plant workers are members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Local 810,
which represents 4,000 members across four states. Besides NYU maintenance workers, Local 810
represents “truck drivers, ambulance drivers, warehouse workers, hospital and university maintenance
workers, engineers, lab and manufacturing technicians, auto mechanics, chemical production workers,
librarians salespersons, and steel, metal and machine shops.”
President Lou Smith, contact: info@local810.org, 212-691-4100
391 NYU Security guards belong to their own independent local, unaffiliated with an international
union, the Security Officers Union Local 1. In the past, security guards have found fault with how
NYU assigns overtime and with the university’s negotiating strategies.
President: Mike Pidoto
NYU’s custodial and grounds workers and window cleaners all belong to SEIU Local 32BJ, a
massive local which includes over 100,000 workers along the eastern seaboard and is the largest
building services local in the U.S. Local 32BJ holds citywide contracts with major building services
subcontractors and wins strong contracts by mobilizing for citywide strikes. Local 32BJ has five
different contracts at NYU.
President: Mike Fishman, contact: 212-388-3800


Why should students care about the union
struggles of campus workers? Well, for starters,
because students are workers too—and many of
us work for NYU. This may sound odd, because
most of us don’t usually think of ourselves as
workers. We see ourselves as college students at
a prestigious university—with the exciting lifestyle
that entails—who just happen to have a job on the
side to earn some extra money. It’s no surprise that we
think this way because universities, employers, and politicians have a vested interest
in college students thinking as
little as possible about their
place in the larger economy.
But if we take a minute to
see how we fit into things, its
easy to see that we’re getting
screwed—and that our complacency about tuition
hikes, diminishing financial aid, and our low wage
jobs is making life harder for just about everyone
else outside the university.
In the United States today about 20% of undergrads don’t work at all, 50% work an average
of 25 hours per week, and 30% work full-time or
more, sometimes holding down multiple jobs while
taking classes. This means 10 to 12 million undergrads are in the workforce at any given time.1
At NYU we work on campus, swiping ID cards
and making copies for near minimum wages, and
we work off-campus in restaurants and stores. At
campuses outside of big cities, students are seen
as a prime labor force for warehouse, shipping,
and other types of industrial work.
Despite all the time we divert from studying
and other activities to our jobs, the money most of
us make doesn’t even make a dent in the total cost
of tuition and living in New York City. We depend
on money from our parents, financial aid, and,
most importantly loans, loans, and more loans.
Why? Because over the past three decades the
cost of going to college has been going through
the roof for students at public and private schools
alike. From 1995 to 2005, inflation-adjusted tuition
costs increased 36% at private colleges and 51%
at public schools.2 NYU is leading the pack. Since
2002, NYU has raised tuition by at least 5% every
year, meaning you are now paying $14,778 more
per year a than freshman in 1999. NYU claims it
is forced to hike tuition to cover teaching costs,
pitting undergrads against grad student instructors and faculty in the process. Yet, despite years
long campaigns by students, faculty, and campus
unions, the administration refuses to disclose
any financial information which would prove this.
Meanwhile the administration sinks millions of dollars into acquiring new property all over New York
City and building new campuses around the
14 world. Not to mention, giving themselves fat

raises: in the 2003-04 fiscal year, when Sexton
raised tuition 5.3%, he gave himself a whopping
16% raise, bringing his personal compensation
package up to $897,139!
Moreover, in a sick, counter-intuitive twist,
universities across the country have been raising
tuition to attract more students. Recruiters found
that raising the cost also raises the prestige of a
school since it implies
a better education is
being offered. More
students, and ones
with better grades and
SAT scores, then apply,
boosting the schools’
ranking in U.S. News &
World Report, and other indexes. This forces
others schools to raise
their fees, in order to compete.3 NYU pioneered
this scheme when it transformed its image from a
commuter school to a top-flight research institute
in the 1970s and 80s. All this is happening as the
federal and state governments are cutting their
direct subsidies to universities (redirecting funds
to the military) as well as their support for financial aid programs, such as the Pell grants, and
increasingly offering grants and loans based on
“merit” rather than on need.
What does all this mean? Simply put, it is becoming harder and harder for people in the U.S.
to go to college, and universities are once again
becoming preserves for the white and the privileged (since race and class are so closely linked),
like they were before World War II. Its not a coincidence that these changes in higher ed have taken
place at the exact same time that the economy
of the country as a whole has undergone drastic
changes (deindustrialization and globalization)—
with a tiny elite becoming disgustingly rich, while
wages have declined and job security has evaporated for most working and middle class people.
Companies have worked to bust unions, cut back
wages, and make jobs part-time and temporary
and outsourced, transferring more money and
power to owners and executives. (“The share of
the national income taken by the top 1% of income
earners in the US more than doubled between
1980 and 2000 while that of the top 0.1% more
than tripled.”4)
As student-workers we fit into this increasingly unequal and unjust economy in at least three
ways: 1) we serve as a low-wage labor pool in the
short term, 2) we reproduce “cognitive” capitalism
in the longer term through our studies, 3) all the
while becoming accustomed to a state of permanent indenture.
To meet raising tuition, we have to work
more. But when we don’t think of ourselves as
workers, we are more willing to accept mediocre


or bad conditions and pay because it seems temporary. Major companies now count on this and
have been moving aggressively to hire thousands
of undergrads for this very reason. Marc Bosquet
shows, for example, how UPS partnered with local colleges in Louisville, KY, to hire thousands of
students to unload trucks from midnight to 4 am,
five nights a week, with promises of tuition remission to supplement paltry wages. The majority of
students never got the benefits because their jobs
lead them to flunk or drop out. Yet the constant
stream of “students” has allowed UPS and other
companies to avoid hiring permanent employees
more likely to fight for a livable wage and sane
working conditions. True, NYU hasn’t yet sold its
students down the river in so blatant a fashion, but
its Wasserman Center, like student employment
offices at most universities, does essentially function as a temp agency, offering us as low wage
and disposable labor to all types of local employers.
But let’s be clear: at high-price outfits like
NYU, our primary financial relationship is not one
of employment, but one of debt. The average student debt upon graduating from NYU in 2008 is
$33,637, the highest of any of the top 50 private
schools in the country! This amounts to a new
form of indenture: from the age of 18 we learn that
we will always be in debt, always struggling to pay
off student loans, mortgages, and credit cards.
This is how the illusion of the American Dream is
maintained; as prices rise while wages stagnate
and good jobs become harder to come by, we are
encouraged to keep on buying—just on credit.
With all that debt hanging over us upon graduation, we’re more likely to take the higher paying
job working for big-business than the modest-paying one working for social justice and doing what
we really love.
Perhaps the hardest thing for most of us to
get our heads around is that we are already workers not just when we are waiting tables or shelving book at the library, but when we are sitting
through a lecture or writing a paper—when we
are being students. In this late stage of capitalism,
owners don’t just make their profits from people
who manufacture things in factories, but also from
the production of new knowledge, scientific innovations, and the shaping of how people feel. So
in producing us as highly-skilled, highly-trained
cognitive workers, capitalism is reproducing itself.
Without a new crop of professionals a few years
down the line, the system couldn’t keep working:
like the structurally unemployed, or a parent raising kids to be new workers, we already fill a role in
the economy whether we get a paycheck or not.
This is easiest to see when we consider internships. Thousands of employers—primarily forprofit corporations—depend on students working
unpaid internships to complete day-to-day tasks.

Employers justify the countless hours of free labor students donate to them by labeling the work
a learning experience. But what’s to differentiate
that unpaid training from the training we get in the
classroom, especially given the declining focus on
humanities and acquiring “knowledge for its own
sake” in universities increasingly focused only on
producing well-trained workers?
The only question, then, is on who’s terms,
and for who’s benefit, are we going to be studentworkers? Our struggles as students to lower tuition, to raise the amount of public funds going to
education rather than war, to have better jobs on
and off campus, to support affirmative action, to
demand gender and ethnic studies courses, and
to fight for open admissions, are struggles over
distribution of wealth, and therefore power, in
our new Gilded Age. They are part of the larger
struggle to make sure no one is excluded from the
right to a decent living, meaningful work, and, ultimately, happiness. This means our struggles over
classes are, actually, part of class struggle. When
we don’t take on these fights we make life harder
for ourselves (and our parents!) now and in the
future, and we let down other workers in more dire
circumstances trying to win some respect and put
food on their families’ plates.
So what can we do? French students provided an inspiring example in 2005-2006 when
they organized nationwide student strikes, and
then took to the streets by the hundreds of thousands, to defeat a bill that exempted employers of
college students from important labor laws. In the
1990s students at CUNY organized the Student
Liberation Action Movement (SLAM) to fight steep
tuition hikes at the New York’s public universities.
In recent years NYU students have formed a Tuition Reform Action Coalition (TRAC) and a Campaign to Take Back NYU, which have demanded
economic transparency and an end to unjustified
yearly tuition hikes. Students have power when
they form student unions rather than simply rely
on student government. How struggles over the
economics of higher education unfold over the
next four years is ultimately up to you and other
incoming students. But the recent experience of
student-worker activists has shown the absolute
necessity to:
(See references on page 21)


A Short Lesson in Radical Lower Manhattan History

Follow the numbers to find out where rad events have happened here in the past
1. 53 Christopher Street
Site of the Stonewall Inn, where in 1969 riots
gave birth to the gay liberation movement in the
2. White Horse Tavern
567 Hudson Street
Gathering place for many members of 60’s bohe16 mian culture as well as labor rights leaders.

3. 23-29 Washington Place
Site of the TRIANGLE SHIRTWAIST FACTORY FIRE -- the largest industrial disaster in
the history of the city of New York, causing the
death of 148 garment workers who either died
from the fire or jumped to their deaths.
4. 1 Bowling Green
Site of the former Fort Amsterdam which

served as administrative headquarters for
the Dutch and British up until the end of the
American Revolution. It was set on fire by poor
whites and blacks in 1741 as part of a supposed
plot to revolt and level NYC by fire. It was also
the site of the Algonquin Indian massacres.
5. 605 East 9th Street
Formerly P.S. 64 and the Charas/El Bohio
Cultural Center. After this school closed down
it was established by squatting artists as a
radical community center (Charas/El Bohio).
The building was recently made a historical

9. 18 West 11th Street
radical group known as the Weathermen, or the
Weather Underground, were assembling a bomb
to use at Fort Dix when it prematurely detonated, killing three members of the group and
destroying the house.
10. 208 East 13th Street
Former home of radical activist, EMMA

6. Tompkins Square Park
On August 6-7, 1988, Police battled with “residents” of the park; people who had taken up
residence in the park and who refused to abide
by the recent curfew restrictions. The police
brutality witnessed at this riot was some of the
worse people had seen in years.
7. 539, 541 and 545 East 13th Street
In 1995, cops battled squatters at these addresses for twelve hours. Some squatters had been
living in these buildings for close to ten years
and had worked to make the buildings habitable
again. Residents and neighbors participated in
peaceful protest in order to keep their homes.
8. 23 5th Avenue
Home of Mabel Dodge, a patron of the arts who
held a weekly “salon” at this site. Radicals such
as Emma Goldman, Maragaret Sanger, “Big
Bill” Haywood, Lincoln Steffens, and John
Reed, were often in attendance.

11. New York Stock Exchange
Hey what’s the stock exchange doing on here?!
Yes my friends, there have even been radical
happenings within the city’s greatest center for
capitalism. In 1967 Abbie Hoffman declared
the death of money and led protesters into the
NYSE gallery. They proceeded to throw handfuls of money (mostly fake) at the traders below. After this incident the gallery was enclosed
in bullet-proof glass.
12. Five Points
One of the most noteable slums in New York

The Brecht Forum
“The Best Place to Start Thinking About the Revolution”

-Village Voice

The Brecht Forum is a radical space promoting social justice, equality and a
culture that puts human needs first. Combining cutting edge theory with an
activist lean, the Brecht is the home for avant garde music, performance arts
and politics.
Featuring: Classes in Spanish, Marxist Theory, theater arts and popular education and organizing.
The Brecht Forum. Building a Movement that Moves.
451 West Street (Between Bank and Bethune)*212-242-4201* www.brechtforum.org

Radical Resources in Manhattan
(Get off your butt and make your own history!)
A. Bluestockings Radical Books
172 Allen Street
(212) 777-6028
A co-operative, not-for-profit radical bookstore.
One of the few remaining in all of New York
City! $1 coffee and lots of great events to fulfill
your radical and literary needs!

(212) 598-0400
Progressive Arts Center that offers arts programs and performance to Lower East Siders
as well as other NYC residents. Henry Street
Settlement also offers shelter, daycare and
health services as well as many other programs
that enrich the lives of New Yorkers.

B. Elmer Holmes Bobst Library
70 Washington Square South
(212) 998-2630
Did you know that you have a radical resource
right under your nose? The Tamiment Library
on the 10th floor of Bobst Library is a great way
to learn about radical and labor movements in
the US. It is open to the public so anyone (i.e.
your non-NYU friends) can get into Bobst if
they are (first) going to Tamiment.

G. Brecht Forum
451 West Street
(212) 242-4201
A center for arts and education dedicated to social justice in the New York cosmopolitan area.
The Brecht Forum hosts a variety of events
from lectures and classes to movie screenings
and art exhibitions.

C. ABC No Rio
156 Rivington Street
(212) 254-3697
An Artist Collective, Radical Center and Zine
Library among other things. ABC No Rio
also hosts a weekly hardcore/punk matinee on
Saturday afternoons as well as such radical
and activist collectives as Food Not Bombs,
Books Through Bars and the Lower East Side
Biography project. Also a great zine library (if
you’re interested in zines, be sure to check out
Bluestockings and the Barnard Zine Library at
D. Judson Memorial Church
55 Washington Square South
(212) 477-0351
Baptist Church devoted to often-controversial
social outreach programs as well as art programs and performances.
E. Lower East Side Tenement Museum
91 Orchard Street
(212) 431-0233
Museum dedicated to the immigrant history of
the Lower East Side.
F. Henry Street Settlement: Abrons Arts Center
18 466 Grand St

H. 4th Street Food Co-Op
58 East 4th Street
(212) 674-3623
The only volunteer-run food co-operative in
Lower Manhattan. Join today! If you don’t join,
no worries, you can still shop anyway!
I. Culture Project
55 Mercer Street
(212) 925-1806
Theatre that brings talented actors and writers together to put on politically and socially
relevant pieces. Tischies take note.
J. Time’s Up
49 East Houston St
(212) 802-8222
Bikes, bikes, bikes. If you have ever wanted
to ride a bike or learn how to fix a bike or just
learn some more about bikes, this is the place.
Time’s Up! also hosts events, including some
awesome parties after Critical Mass.
K. Housing Works Bookstore Cafe
126 Crosby Street
(212) 334-3324
Used bookstore and volunteer-run cafe whose
proceeds go towards fighting AIDS and helping
the homeless and other low-income families of
New York.

L. Bowery Poetry Club
308 Bowery
(212) 614-0505
Poetry and Revolution go together nicely.
M. Nuyorican Poets Cafe Inc
236 East 3rd Street
(212) 505-8183
What did I say before about poetry and revolution?
N. LGBT Center
208 West 13th Street
(212) 620-7310
A hub of LGBT activists, organizations, services, and educational materials. If NYU doesn’t
meet your LGBT needs, be sure to check out

the myriad of services that this 25-year old
center has.
O. Saint Marks Church
131 East 10th Street
(212) 647-6377
Like Judson Church, this church is devoted to
social activism. Be sure to check out Reverend
Billy’s satirical Church of Stop Shopping.
P. War Resisters League
339 Lafayette Street
(212) 228-0450
An 80+ year old radical pacifist organization.
The WRL organizes against war and for nonviolent revolution locally and nationally

Resources and Organizations Too Rad for the Map
The Indypendent
A free alternative newspaper dedicated to
empowering citizens by encouraging them to
produce their own media. The “Indy” always
has a good mix of local and national radical
news, reviews. and a great calendar of social
justice events in the city. Pick one up or get
involved and write for it!

work for radical immigrant rights organizations
such as Domestic Workers United and DRUM.

Left Turn Magazine
A volunteer-run activist magazine that serves as
a resource to grassroots movements by reporting on and analyzing local and global struggles
for justice. Through media, these activists are
working towards building a resistance and alternatives to corporate power and empire.

Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM)
An organization that empowers South Asian
low wage immigrant workers in New York City.
DRUM organizes around immigrant rights,
racial, economic and social justice.

Movimiento por Justicia en el Barrio
An Organization inspired by the Zapatista
struggle in Mexico to fight the displacement of
low-income people from East Harlem. Movimiento also addresses other problems effecting
Spaish-speaking immigrants at work and in the
neighborhood, such as sexual harassment and
polic brutality.
Immigrant Justice Solidarity Project
An organization taking on important support

Audre Lorde Project
ALP works to build the power of queer folks
of color to fightfor safety and equality, with
projects focused on problems faced by youth,
transgender folks, and immigrants.

An organization focused on the rights of the
LGBTQ community. Among other campaigns,
FIERCE works “to counter the displacement
and criminalization of LGBTQ youth of color
and homeless youth at the Cristopher Street
Pier and in Manhattan’s West Village.”
Jews for Racial and Economic Justice (JFREJ)
JFREJ engages Jews to pursue and win racial
and economic justice in partnership with Jewish
and allied people of color, low-income and immigrant communities in New York City.

Map and History: Julia M. Resource Listing: Julia, Nate, & Andy




You heart NY, obvi. But maybe you’re at NYU
because you also have a crush on Paris,
Shanghai, or Accra. I came to NYU stoked to
take advantage of programs abroad and started plotting where I’d go even as a freshman.
The glossy brochures make it well-known how
easy it is to spend a semester on a different
continent (Credits transfer! Financial aid too!),
but what NYU doesn’t tell you is what it is gaining from sending you across the globe.

NYU’s Study Abroad Empire
So what? NYU gets to brag and I get to
spend a semester kicking it without a fake
ID. Where’s the harm in that? Here’s the
thing— NYU operates in a world where the
interactions between individuals of different
nationalities are complicated by histories of
colonialism, race, privilege, and differential
access to power and resources. The fact
that NYU can kick down the door of a country and invite itself in demonstrates how
NYU benefits from this history of oppression. Though foreign cities obviously gain
certain advantages by hosting a prestigious
American university, NYU negotiates with
its partners in Buenos Aires or Shanghai on
an uneven playing field (Just try and picture
the University of Ghana plopping down in
the Village and asking a bunch of New York
bigwigs to teach its classes).

First of all, it’s easy to imagine why NYU favors this massive global expansion. NYU had
a bad run in the 80s, almost went bankrupt
before re-establishing itself as a credible institution. Problem is, we only have a really
teeny $2 billion endowment, compared with
awesome Harvard and its awesome $35 billion. John Sexton is not about to go down in
the books as the president of an almost-Ivy.
So, instead of measuring figurative dicks in
endowment dollars, NYU wants to change the
rules of the game and be sized up by its global The concept of study abroad implies some
element of cultural exchange, but NYU
doesn’t do exchange, it does domination.
Second, trafficking students overseas also By building our own school at so many
frees up a lot of valuable housing space in a sites, NYU gives the impression that the lovery overcrowded NYC. NYU boasts its very cal way of running the show is second-rate.
own satellite hot-spots in London, Madrid, Not only is that just insulting, it’s also counFlorence, Paris, Prague, Berlin, Shanghai, terintuitive to the purported aims of study
Buenos Aires, Accra, and Tel Aviv - NYU relies abroad— NYU puts up literal and figurative
on students to go abroad in order to make its walls that insulate us from what we’re suphousing ends meet. Did you know that there posed to be learning about.
are actually students who are only admitted to
NYU on the condition that they’ll spend their Even more valuable than learning about
first semester in Florence? By 2010, NYU’s other cultures should be the opportunity to
goal is to have railroaded 50% of its students think critically about global systems of racabroad at least once. Is this borne of a desire ism and oppression, and examine your own
to increase students’ global knowledge and place within them. For a privileged Americultural competence? Perhaps. As an exam- can, these conversations are unlikely to ocple of potential financial pitfalls of this strat- cur constructively without real institutional
egy, NYU has been forced to create an extra, support. NYU has little to gain from encourfall-only study abroad scholarship to shuffle aging students to engage in this sort of critistudents out the door in the less-popular se- cal discussion of power structures because
mester (never mind that it stuffs a tuition hike it has a vested interest in maintaining them
down its students’ throats every year and that as they facilitate its global expansion. Infinancial aid sucks ass).
stead of helping students acquire the tools
they would need to truly tackle global prob-

lems, NYU turns Shanghai and Buenos Aires mented by Human Rights Watch and, as of
yet, NYU has no protections in place to eninto cultural theme parks.
sure that the workers subcontracted by the
crown prince to build the physical institution
are working under safe, humane conditions
NYU-AD: A Whole New World
and for a fair wage (for more on this: http://
Last year, amidst a flurry of secrecy and con- fairlabornyu.wordpress.com/).
fusion, NYU unveiled the crowning jewel on
its global crown: NYU-Abu Dhabi. This sat- Besides the phenomenally icky feeling you
ellite campus is no study abroad site; it’s a would get from knowing your school is alfull-blown, 4-year branch of NYU. Located in lowing your new campus to be built by immithe United Arab Emirates and paid for by the grants who work for pennies in 110-degree
crown prince of Abu Dhabi, NYU-AD is a literal weather, without medical coverage for falls
or the right to organize, the human rights
manifestation of NYU as a brand name.
violations NYU commits will tarnish your
Middle Eastern and Asian students will show degree. People (like your future employer)
up on the first day of classes at NYU’s private will lose respect for an institution that sells
island, and walk out 4 years later with the same itself to a government that doesn’t ensure
NYU degree as you and I, without ever having basic human rights to wide segments of its
set foot in New York. What’s so “in and of the society.
city” about that? NYU alumni are sought out
because of the education we receive living in Studying abroad and creating space for
the classroom that is New York City. Our NYU cultural exchange is great, no doubt. Necdegree should be a testament to our ability to essary, even, in the increasingly globalized
engage the unique urban-milieu of New York world in which we live. Far more than the
City while still getting shit done. Also, there majority of students I know that studied at
will be no semblance of academic freedom - various NYU sites had a fantastic semescrucial to the free-spirited style of education ter, many even life-changing. The point
at NYU - because the NYU-AD campus will isn’t to condemn the opportunities NYU has
be tenure-free, which means professors won’t provided for us: it’s to condemn the ways
have the job security to support free speech. it goes about giving us these opportunities. NYU’s motives are to expand, and our
Whether or not we condemn Abu Dhabi and experiences abroad are just a byproduct,
its governments’ ways or whether we endorse procured by taking advantage of privilege
some amount of a cultural exchange, NYU is gaps. NYU keeps building and growing
headed into a pretty serious relationship. A outside of Washington Square, very often
relationshit, I might add, that Harvard and Yale in an underhanded, inconsiderate style. A
friend once said, “Like the British Empire,
turned down first.
the sun never sets on NYU.” Let’s hope
Some serious consideration should also be NYU meets better ends.
-Caitlin Boehne
given to the fact that NYU wants to plunk
References for Work/Study/Indenture (cont. from page 15)
down in the middle of a kingship that forgoes
women’s rights under Shari’a law, remains The thinking in this article was inspired by the following books and essay—
hostile with Israel and its citizens, imprisons check them out!
and deports homosexuals, and allows sys- •Marc Bosquet, How the University Works: Higher Education and the LowNation, (New York: NYU Press, 2008)
temic abuse of migrant workers through unfair Wage
•Monika Krause et al., eds., The University Against Itself: The NYU Strike
and the Future of the Academic Workplace, (Philadelphia: Temple University
labor and immigration policies.
By physically building a campus there, we not
only endorse these questionable human rights
situations, we may very well involve ourselves
in them. The horrific treatment of construction workers in the UAE has been well docu-

Press, 2008)
•Nick Dyer-Witheford, “Cognitive Capital and the Contested Campus” available at: http://www.data-browser.net/02/DB02/DyerWitheford.pdf
1 Bosquet, How the University Works, 150.
2 Green, The University Against Itself, 84.
3 Green, The University Against Itself, 88-92
4 David Harvey, Limits to Capital, xi.


Activism Shmactivism
Pop culture presents a stereotyped image of an
“activist” like it does of every other social type:
biker, cheerleader, gangster, etc.. But being
an activist isn’t just about marching through the
streets screaming or creating the non-profit to
save the world. It requires understanding that
different people have different roles to play in
creating change.
Making a systemic impact on any social issue requires a gigantic collective commitment. There’s
no way one activist can end poverty, save the
environment, and create an egalitarian society.
To prevent burn out, an activist has to be practical, actively working on one or two campaigns,
while supporting others. Here’s a rundown that
expands the connotations of the term activist and
summarizes different ways to create change:
On one level there are activists who circulate
petitions, show up to protests, and do volunteer
work with plenty of heart but too little strategy.
These are the activists the media love to portray
because they are so easy to mock: the screaming hippie, the whale saver, and the soup kitchen
volunteer. There is nothing wrong with their actions, but often they fail to analyze the underlying
causes of the specific problems they identify and
to organize others to act against.
Then there are organizers and long-term change
makers working in progressive institutions such
as non-profits, community groups and political
campaigns. They are vigilantly pursuing sustained campaigns and exerting pressure at a
variety of strategic points to accomplish specific
objectives. These organizers set the stage for the
activists described above to flood in and do what
they enjoy, the touchy-feely and dramatic stuff.
They shape the ideas and goals that others pursue in day to day struggles.
In addition, there are lifestyle activists. They embody Gandhi’s instruction to “be the change you

By Nate Maton

want to see” by making daily decisions in accordance with their beliefs. This could include unlearning sexist ways of interacting, eating vegan,
boycotting Nike and other exploitative companies, or riding a bike instead of owning a car. The
individual might not even know that millions of
others are making the same choices. However,
danger lies in thinking social change is simply
about making consumer choices: then you’re
not an activist, you’re a profitable new marketing
niche. To effectively create change, lifestyle activism usually requires the other two types of social
change work mentioned above to support it. At
the same time, it supports the other two types by
creating financial incentives for systemic change
and modeling new ways of living.
While some might not consider each person in
these three categories an activist, I do. Although
they use different methods and perhaps some
demonstrate more commitment, ultimately their
goals are the same. To condemn any of these
people dilutes all other choices you will make,
such as when a sense of indignation sparks a
snap judgment: “They’ll just yell about anything,”
or, “oh that’s just liberal bullshit.” These comments
simply alienate and divide groups that need each
other to work towards the same goal. By actively
discouraging people who are changing the world
for the better instead of getting over their crazy
dress or setting aside your differences, you kill
momentum for the achieving the goals you care
about. Your choice of action works against you,
preventing the very thing you want.
If as a group we radicals can’t create space for
differences to coexist between those working toward the same end, how can we ever hope to
grow our efforts? Consider which means make
the most sense and accept differences instead of
inflaming them. Indignation is part of our trade
but can also be a quick path to alienation…
So choose your weapon wisely.

Eco-Activism at NYU

Earth Matters works to create an environmental community within NYU. It caters to
those who want to learn more about the environment and those who want to push for
environmentally-friendly change at NYU. During weekly meetings, EM members plan
events to raise awareness of the environmental impact of NYU community members’ daily
lives. Fun trips like hiking, adventuring to thrift shops, and visiting local environmental
events are a cornerstone of the EM experience. One of the oldest clubs at NYU, EM is
also known for helping ban Coke products on campus because of human rights abuses
attributed to the company. For more info check out www.nyu.edu/clubs/earthmatters or nyu.
The Green House is a residential living community developed by and intended for
environmentally-minded students who want to live more sustainably. This is the Green
House’s first year, but a speaker series and a lending library are already in the works.
Those interested in living in the Green House can apply through residential education in
Spring 2008. To get involved contact Imani Movva at ism222@nyu.edu.
The Sustainability Task Force is an administrative body composed of students,
faculty, and administrative staff officially sanctioned by the university administration to
investigate and recommend environmental projects. Though the Task Force is undergoing
some restructuring this year, in the past work was parceled out among seven different
subcommittees: academic initiatives; green grants; outreach and engagement; energy &
water; food & purchasing; recycling & transportation; data-communications & technology;
and green building & campus planning. These subcommittees submit recommendations via
an annual report, and projects generally begin the following academic year. If interested,
contact Project Administrator Jeremy Friedman: jeremy.friedman@nyu.edu.
Green Arch Panther is a student led group that facilitates communication between
different environmental organizations on campus. Panther is the new face of the “Green
Arch Initiative,” the student group that successfully lobbied the administration to form the
Sustainability Task Force. When Green Arch dwindled to a listserv, new students took on
the group’s resources to revitalize student environmental advocacy at NYU. For more info
see www.greenarchpanther.org.
Environmental Studies (ES) is a new academic program not officially affiliated with an NYU
school, but most closely aligned with CAS. The program offers both majors and minors. ES
faculty are generally accessible and willing to work with students from Gallatin and other
schools. For more info on ES requirements, see the ES website: http://environment.as.nyu.
The Bare Energy Frolic is an annual “image event” hosted by campus environmental
groups in April. This clothing optional biking/walking/rollerskating/skateboarding event
promotes Earth Week and other environmental happenings on campus.
-Maggie Craig and Kate Fritz


Vivisection at NYU:

A Hidden Nightmare

The Awful Labs of Lynne Kiorpes

relevant. Worthless. So all those monkeys were
killed and all that money wasted for next-to-nothing. NYU spends $1.5 million dollars a year on
experiments like these.

Once upon a time, in a land not so far away, there
lived a wicked, wicked woman that went by the
name Lynne. Lynne was a mad scientist bent
on finding out more about the human eye and its
abnormalities. She knew that using live humans
would be the most effective for her research, but
there were laws that prevented her from cruelly
experimenting on, killing, and then dissecting her
fellow humans. In her time of need, NYU was
there for her, providing some monkeys, money,
and a laboratory to carry out her cruel experiments then shield the torture and bloodshed from
the public eye.
For the past fourteen years Lynne Kiorpes has
been fruitlessly carrying out experiment after experiment on monkeys that she mars at
birth in order to observe
how their optics develop. She wrests infants
away from their mothers and surgically damages at as young as ten
days old. She varies
her tests - the defects
she artificially induces
range from defocused
vision (maintained by
hard plastic contact
l e n s e s — r e m e m b e r,
the kind that aren’t
produced anymore because they hurt?-that are left in for seven to ten
months), to taking a scalpel to their optical nerves
and creating artificial crossed eyes. Some of the
infants die during this process. She continually
drugs the ones who live, and keeps them in restraints to keep them placid. She then drills holes
into their head, penetrating the skull, and shoves
electrodes into their delicate newborn brains. After that some of them are submitted to a minimum
of 18 hours straight of electrophysical recordings,
and then killed and dissected.
The problem with this - besides the obvious cruelty - is that these are artificial maladies – that is
to say, they have little to do with real diseases of
the eye. In the science world, the tiny bit of data
she has collected in the past fourteen years is a
24 very short step away from being entirely ir-

“No More Lab Lies!
No More Compromise!”
In 1999 In Defense of Animals (IDA), a nonprofit pro-animal rights organization, decided to take
on the Kiorpes lab. They sent two men dressed
like construction workers to the top of Silver Center (then called Main Building) to unfurl a 20x30
foot banner. Their plan went off without a hitch;
when they made it to the edge the NYU security
guards standing on the sidewalk below tepidly
warned passersby to watch out for the workmen.
No one gave them a second glance until the banner began to unravel. In
bold letters it read “NYU
A protest ensued directly after the banner
dropped. People stormed
the square chanting,
“Nothing to hide? Let us
inside!” and “No more lab
lies, no more compromise!” The momentum
from that protest echoes
weakly today, but we, the
students—the heart and
soul of NYU—can rebuild
it. Since then, the group Students for Education
on Animal Liberation have carried the banner of
animal rights at NYU, at one point chaining themselves to the desk of University President Sexton
to demand more support for vegans in on-campus
dining options. Only sustained direct action such
as this will undermine the institutional support for
Animal Testing – based in financial investments
and a basic disregard for the dignity of non-human
animals – a campaign of direct action that continues in the actions of groups such as Stop Huntington Animal Cruelty, and that will hopefully return
to NYU soon. We need to stand together against
-Ashleigh Lewis

at the corners of the Park, move the two dog runs,
lose the small alcoves (sitting areas) on the northern and eastern sides of the Park, and basically
move close to every piece of the Park into a different location.
Washington Square Park has been a counter-ballance to the upscale, glossy gentrification of New
York City. It’s a place where you never know exactly what will happen next. People walk in, and
conversations flow, music saturates the air, people gather, speak outs occur. It’s all a bit magical.
From Bob Dylan to Joan Baez to Peter, Paul &
Mary to more recent years Whoopi Goldberg and
Dave Chappelle getting their start there, Washington Square Park has played a role in key moments in culture and history. Henry James, Mark
Twain, Eleanor Roosevelt, William Glackens and
more all were influenced in some way by the
charm of Washington Square Park.
Washington Square Park is world famous for the
art, culture, music, politics, and community that
has transpired there in its over 150 years as a
public park in New York City. For NYC government under Mayor Bloomberg, its importance has
become magnified because of its location in the
midst of prime real estate in Manhattan’s Greenwich Village. New York University owns much of
(close to all) the real estate that surrounds the
Park. The University rarely misses an opportunity
to feature the historic Washington Square Arch in
its advertising and promotional materials.
In more recent years, due to neglect by the New
York City Parks Department, Washington Square
Park -- while remaining vital to music, politics, art,
students, tourists, people of all ages and from all
backgrounds -- was looking a little rough around
the edges. That didn’t stop it from being a place
where people gather in unique ways. A national
organization called Project for Public Spaces did
a study of Washington Square Park in 2005 and
said, “As a neighborhood park and civic gathering
place, it may be one of the great public spaces in
the world.”
The New York City Parks Department is presently
in the midst of a redesign of Washington Square
Park. Currently in Phase I (of three phases), this
“renovation” is really a complete overhaul of this
historic, beloved space. The redesign will: align the
Fountain with the Arch (after 137 years unaligned)
at Fifth Avenue which entails moving the Fountain 23 feet east, level the unique ‘sunken plaza’
around the Fountain, reduce dramatically the public gathering space around the fountain, add more
lawn, reduce the width of the pathways and areas

The Greenwich Village community has almost
overwhelmingly been against the drastic changes
being made to their Park. However, due to a lack
of transparency and accountability by the New
York City Parks Department, and the political
climate, thus far, the City has been able to push
through their plan which “prettifies” and sanitizes
the nature of the Park.
NYU has given $1 million towards the redesign but
has stated they are not involved. Due to their real
estate holdings around the Park and the direction
the University has been going in, many people
link NYU to the redesign plan. The Tisch Family
gave $2.5 million to the City towards the renovation and moving of the Fountain which gave them
naming rights with a plaque on each side.
There are still pieces of the plan that could be
challenged - increasing the public space around
the fountain, keeping the alcoves (sitting areas)
around the north and east sides, saving more
trees from being unnecessarily destroyed (14
have been chopped down thus far in Phase I of
the plan), and more. Having NYU students plan
activities in the Park highlighting and protesting
the changes, coming to Community Board meetings, talking to other students and the community,
and using imagination - all are key. There’s still
time to perhaps have some influence. You can
take part in making Washington Square Park
whatever you want it to be and preserving its
-Cathryn Swan
& Washington Square Community Improvement

Democracy and Imperialism
are Mutually Exclusive.
We choose Democracy.

Sometimes studying history is useful for more than passing a test. This is one of them. In
1969, opposition to the immoral war against Vietnam was nearing its height on the streets and college campuses of the United States. In Vietnam itself, U.S. troops were losing ground, even as they
deployed vicious chemical weapons such as Agent Orange on the people and countryside of the small
country in southeast Asia. Despite his campaign promise to end the conflict, President Nixon’s response was to expand the war by launching bombing raids against Cambodia, a neighboring country
accused of harboring that era’s political bogeymen, communist insurgents.

Having passed the 5-year anniversary of the war in/occupation of Iraq, the need for effective,
sustained, and massive resistance is urgent. We cannot wait out Bush’s term, expecting the war to end
if Barack Obama manages to win control of the White House. Look how much good Democratic control
of Congress has done in the last two years. Furthermore, just as Nixon inherited a war begun by Democrats, so too is the Bush administration
expanding a campaign of economic
sanctions and bombings maintained by
Clinton and the Democrats since the first
Gulf War.
The most relevant historical question
is: what did those U.S. citizens who opposed the Vietnam War -- after years of
peaceful marches and voting for nominally anti-war candidates -- do in response to Nixon’s escalation? They set
their country, our country, ablaze, literally
and metaphorically. The expansion of the
Vietnam War into neighboring countries
resulted in massive resistance that shut
down college campuses through student
strikes -- often punctuated with incendiary blasts targeting ROTC buildings and the laboratories of professors paid by the government to
research more effective ways to kill or repress people -- and turned out spirited protests in cities and
towns across the country. Having taken each of the actions allotted for citizen participation within the
liberal democratic system (voting, writing to Congress, circulating petitions, marching) without meeting
their goals, they were still culpable for the massive, daily violence enacted by their government. The
war’s expansion necessitated an immediate and unequivocal response, even if that meant taking actions considered illegal by that same government.

By recounting this history, we are certainly not calling for armed insurrection or random acts
of property destruction. Most people in the U.S. oppose the war in Iraq -- and remain bitterly divided
on other key issues of political significance, including immigration, abortion and environmental protection. The frustration with the
war should not be confused with
an anti-imperialist majority; most
people do not oppose empire. But
with grassroots organizing, their
frustration could be channeled
to broader social justice commitments. When joined with a strategic priority to shutting down the
system that thrives on war, such
organizing can go a long way toward making all edifices of the
country -- military, schools, businesses -- ungovernable until the
war ends.


Making Connections

We have the opportunity now, in this generation, to affirm a new, democratic critique of empire -- a radical anti-imperialism that fully affirms human rights, equitable distribution of resources, ecological sustainability, and grassroots democracy without being mired in the repressive anti-humanism of
Stalinism, as previous generations of the left have been. Such a hybrid political platform, a new way of
political mobilization, was slowly taking shape in the United States through the global justice movement
but was derailed by the Sept. 11 attacks and subsequent military adventures. We have the opportunity
for a reinvigorated mass movement capable of turning Orwellian America into the America Langston
Hughes called for, one that has never existed.

A ‘60s slogan suggested that “the issue is not the issue”; today we have the Zapatistas
encouraging us with “points of convergence” based on “one no, many
yeses.” This energy should serve as the catalyst for a 21st century
radical political imagination. Every action defending the environment
or immigrant rights is an anti-war action. Every anti-war rally, a stand
against patriarchy and growing economic inequality. In theory and
practice, U.S. foreign policy -- in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Guantanamo, and elsewhere -- is rooted in a racialized and gendered attempt
at global conquest, leaving dead bodies and environmental catastrophe in its wake. Organizing against the war, therefore, must be equally

We must fight to replace state- and media-enforced obscurity
with a radical democratic vision -- ways of organizing and living in the
world that allow no place for racist wars fought to control resources
and demonstrate irresistible dominance. It will require visionary thinking that seeks to understand how the Bush administration does at gunpoint -- out of panic, rage, and hubris -- what preceding administrations
did through economic policies to people around the world. Visionary
NYC SDS members occupying a military
thinking that recognizes the millions of people streaming across borrecruiting office in lower Manhattan 3/7/07.
ders, proclaiming their right to survive, have been put in motion by the
same policies and rifle barrels that continue to obliterate Iraq. Visionary thinking that connects the dots
between oil wars and agribusiness, between a flooded New Orleans and a snowless New England.
Moving forward

The challenge, as we see it, is to pledge allegiance to humanity rather than to any single nation: that is, to dedicate oneself to ideals -- of liberty and equality on a global scale -- and commit to the
mechanisms of enacting such a radical political vision. Such a promise means being proud to fight in
the name and tradition of those who have advanced those values, rather than making a blind commitment to a country marked by a history of dispossession, exclusion, and genocide, both within its own
borders and on a global level.

What it means to be politically relevant, to take responsibility for the tremendous violence
being done in our names, will differ from place to place. But the responsibility to act strongly and immediately is universal, even as it finds
different expression. Thus, the antiwar movement has a responsibility to
support this range of options strategically deployed to not only stop this war
but overturn the social and economic
policies that make war such a defining feature of U.S. society. That the
entire world opposes the war in Iraq is
abundantly clear. What is needed now
is an audacious and strategic anti-war
movement committed to stopping it.
The reformed SDS is one national organization leading that movement.

-Dan Berger and Andy Cornell

Meet the Trustees!
A few of the fine folks runnin’ your school

Ken Langone

Among the world’s richest people and namesake of
NYU’s Medical Center thanks to a $200 million dollar
donation, Ken Langone was the subject of legal prosecution for for providing a $190 million dollar pay package to fellow Trustee Ken Grasso while Grasso was
CEO of the New York Stock Exchange, and Langone
the head of its board. Langone also founded Home Depot and Choicepoint Inc, which sells private data culled
from credit card records and non-disclosed sources to
the Department of Homeland Security, and takes government contracts to spy on citizens suspected of terrorism. Choicepoint also has been sued for allowing
the unauthorized release of government records to its

Catherine Reynolds

A pioneer of “social entrepenuership”, Catherine Reynolds is the CEO of student loan company EduCap, which
provides loans for students at private colleges. Despite
EduCap being a non-profit, Reynolds owns a $30 million Gulfstream Jet and has been paid millions of dollars
in annual compensation, enough to donate $38 million
to the Smithsonian in 2003. Reynolds can afford such
excess partially because EduCap has been caught issuing loans at rates substantially above those of for-profit
companies. For that, and for potential kickbacks issued
to universities, the IRS opened an investigation into EduCap in late 2007. Reynolds has made a fortune off of
putting students like you in debt - and she helps call the
shots on NYU’s tuition hikes.

Others You Might Want to Know...
Marc Bell CEO of the fine progressive magazine Penthouse who has donated
thousands of dollars to the GOP.
Larry Silverstein As the CEO of Silverstein Properties, leased the
World Trade Center for 99 years beginning in 2001, and attempted to profit off the deaths
of thousands by demanding two payouts from his insurers - one for each of the towers.
Daniel Tisch Heir to the Tisch fortune, which was based on the family’s ownership of Lorillard Tobacco, the manufactuers of Newport cigarettes, and pioneered the
strategy of marketing menthol cigarettes to African Americans.
Martin Lipton A lawyer that made a fortune running mergers and acquisitions in the Reaganomics 80s, Lipton has since become vocally opposed to ethical investment policies and activist shareholders. Larry Silverstein and Ken Langone’s lawyer.

Anthony Welters

Executive Vice President of UnitedHealth, a health
care company whose top brass were under federal investigation for backdating stock options. The NY Attourney General opened an investigation on UnitedHealth for shortchanging its customers on insurance compensation for medical procedures, including those covered by United Health.


Race and Racism
The Angela Y. Davis Reader, edited by Joy James
This Bridge Called My Back, edited by Cherríe
Moraga and Gloria E. Anzaldúa
Orientalism, Edward Said
The Cost of Privilege, Chip Smith
Racial Formation in the U.S., Winant & Omi
Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky
Days of War and Nights of Love, Crimethinc.
The Society of the Spectacle, Guy Debord
Pacifism as Pathology, Ward Churchill
Anarchy, A Graphic Guide, Clifford Harper
One-Dimensional Man, Herbert Marcuse
Vegan With A Vengeance (cookbook), Moskowitz
Anarcho-Syndicalism, Rudolf Rocker
Civil Disobedience, Henry David Thoreau
The Sexual Politics of Meat, Carol Adams
The Second Sex, Simone de Beauvoir
Feminist Theory, bell hooks
Under Western Eyes and Feminism Without Borders, Chandra Mohanty
Cunt, Inga Muscio and Betty Dodson
Monolingualism of the Other, Jacques Derrida
Cyber-Marx: Cycles and Circuits of Struggle in
High-Technology Capitalism, Nick Dyer-Witheford
The History of Sexuality, Michel Foucault
A Moral Equivalent of War, William James
The Politics of Experience, R.D. Laing
Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television,
Jerry Mander
On the Genealogy of Morality, Friedrich NietzcheAnimal Liberation, Peter Singer

Memoirs of a Revolutionist, Vera Figner
Cold War Fugitive, Gil Green
The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Alex Haley
Mountains Beyond Mountains, Tracy Kidder
Soon to be a Major Motion Picture, Abbie Hoffman
Radical History
Detroit, I Do Mind Dying, Georgakas & Surkin
War at Home, Brian Glick
Horizontalism, Maria Sitrin
A Promise and a Way of Life: White Anti-Racist
Activism, Becky Thompson
We Will Return in the Whirlwind, M. Ahmad
Their Eyes Were Watching God, Z.N. Hurston
The Awakening, Kate Chopin
The Little Prince, Antoine de Saint Exupéry
Howl, Allen Ginsberg
Catch-22, Joseph Heller
As the World Burns, D. Jensen and S. McMillan
Homage to Catalonia, George Orwell
The Golden Compass series, Philip Pullman
Black Boy, Richard Wright
Current Struggles
Infection and Inequality, Paul Farmer
Endgame, Derrick Jensen
No Logo, Naomi Klein
Said the Pot to the Kettle; Hot Pantz; Left Turn;
Doris; Cometbus; Earth First! Journal; Slingshot;
Super Happy Anarcho Fun Pages; Secret Files of
Captain Sissy; Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack;
Memories of Freedom

...and this list is just the beginning.

Radical Faculty

NYU is chock-full of rad professors and T.A.s. So why are you settling for boring lectures? This is
by no means an exaustive list, let
us know about the ones we missed!
Sinan Antoon – orientalism, the middle east
Bill Caspary – democratic community education
Stephen Duncombe – cultural resistance, media
Antonio Lauria-Perricelli – militaries, globalization
Patrick McCreery – queer politics
Kim Phillips-Fein – labor
Rene Poitevin – gentrification, organizing
Aarti Shahani – immigrants, race, deportation
George Shulman – race, communication studies
Alejandro Velasco – Latin America, revolution!
Vivek Chibber – socialism, globalization
Jeff Goodwin – social movement theory
Michael McCarthy – labor, socialism
Rene Rojas – marxist
Social and Cultural Analysis
Lisa Duggan – gender and queer
studies, feminisms
Jennifer Morgan – African-American studies, feminisms
Crystal Parikh – race, queer studies & feminisms, post-colonialism
Andrew Ross – labor studies
Gayatri Gopinath – transnational
feminism, queer diasporas, race
Josie Saldana – Latin America,
latino/a culture, post-colonialism
Nikhil Pal Singh – race and black
Andy Cornell – fuckin’ worked on
this disorientation guide
Christine Harrington – neoliberal
fallacies, community politics
Bertell Ollman – marxism
Craig Wolff – police brutalityd
Comparitive Literature
Kristin Ross – radical history and
theory of France
Manu Goswami – postcolonialism
Greg Grandin – Latin America,
American imperialism
Mary Nolan – European women’s
history, post-WWII world order
Performance Studies
Jose Munoz – queer theory
Tavia Nyong’o – race, sexuality

Amy Adler – GSOC, feminist
Jerry Lopez – community issues, race
Pedro Noguera – urban schools
Lisa Stulberg – race, urban schooling
Randy Martin – marxism, political performance
Elizabeth OuYang – civil rights attorney, community activism





Jeremy Scahill calls The Indypendent
“the best paper in New York City.”
Naomi Klein says The Indypendent
is “utterly unique and just keeps
getting better.”
Published every three weeks
with a circulation of 20,000,
The Indypendent is the only
community-based, participatory
newspaper in New York City and
has served as a training ground
for more than 600 reporters,
photographers, artists and designers.


Activist clubs @ NYU
National Organization for Women
Earth Matters

Students for Education on Animal
Liberation (SEAL)
Students Creating Radical Change
Students Taking Action in Darfur

Campus Antiwar
Network (CAN)

Voices for Choice

Free Culture

Journal of Human

Informed Democracy
FilmAid @ NYU
Socialist Alternative @ NYU
Kate Kornblum: krkornblum@yahoo.
World Health Initiative
Access Health

The Icarus Project @
NYU Journal of Global
Oxfam American @ NYU
www. Nyu.edu/clubs/Oxfam
Amnesty International @ NYU
Students for Justice in Palestine

Art by Seth Tobocman from his book Disaster & Resistance (AK Press, 2008)

Item sets