Oxy Disorientation Guide: The Occupation - Fall 2019

Item

Current View

Title

Oxy Disorientation Guide: The Occupation - Fall 2019

Date

2019

Place

Los Angeles, California

Source

https://issuu.com/oxydisorientation/docs/disorientation-final

extracted text

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This guide is meant to act as a force of accountability to the administration
of Occidental College. Oxy as an institution is given the privilege of a fouryear graduation cycle, which the administration has historically taken
advantage of in order to erase the activist histories of the student body,
faculty, staff and community members. The Guide seeks to disrupt this
erasure by uplifting voices of the present and past Oxy community,
following in a tradition of Disorientation Guides from universities across the
U.S. By arming you, the incoming students, with the knowledge of the past,
present and potential futures of Oxy, we hope you take away a critical
perspective on not only Oxy, but all institutions of power. Through this
guide we are encouraging you to fully engage with Oxy, beyond your peers
and friends, to push yourself to question the narrative of the College. Resist
the ease of passivity.

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We additionally hope to provide you all with the tools to navigate Oxy's
many facets while you are here, from financial aid to student organizations
to administrators,
so you can create some joy! How to gain institutional
knowledge is not something universities of "higher" education advertise in
their glossy pamphlets, however it is possibly the most crucial part of
making $70,000 a year in tuition feel at all worth it.

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In the following pages you will encounter compiled narratives of the
students, faculty, staff and community members of Oxy which call into
question how Occidental College has lived up to the enlisted "mission
cornerstones" of excellence, equity, community and service. Even further,
the Guide will call into question the notion that Oxy is the diverse, socialjustice-oriented,
radical place of learning that it claims to be. This specific
issue will focus on the 2015 AGC Occupation, where students of Occidental
College occupied the administrative building continuously from November
16-20, 2015. The Class of 2019 was the last class at Occidental to have
witnessed the Occupation, so it is imperative that the narrative of the
Occupation preserved outside of the white-washed accounts of The Weekly
and the Oxy Administration.

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We would like to thank all of the student supporters, student organizers,
faculty, staff and community members who have supported the revival of
Disorientation, with ou t your input, expertise, critiques and perspective, this
publication would not exist. We also would like to extend our love to the
students who will use this guide as they navigate this institution's many
oppressive forces and obstacles.

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In love & solidarity,
Oxy Disorientation Team

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Disclaimer:

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(adopted from Northeastern

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This unofficial guide was created by a diverse group of students with a wide
range of experiences and opinions. This guide was not sanctioned officially
by any member of the Occidental College administration or faculty and is
not the product of any official student group.

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The views and opinions do not necessarily represent the opinions of the
individuals involved but are meant to foster dialogue and encourage
students to creatively address issues in the greater Occidental College
community.

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The views, opinions and histories are in no way complete, and are open for
debate, discussion and contestation.

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If you have anything you wish to contribute to future Disorientation
please email =::..,..====-'==.:=="""'====:..:..::==
oxydisorientation@gmail.com
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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The Oxy Disorientation Guide Team wants to thank the professors,
students, alumni, staff and organizers who contributed to and helped in the
process of producing the Oxy Disorientation Guide Fall 2019. We are
incredibly thankful to be able to record the stories of student organizers and
those who stand in solidarity with them.

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Specifically we would like to thank Anna Palmer, Cruz Riley, Cesar
Martinez, and Antonio Romero for providing all of their photographic and
video work from the 2015 Occupation. Not only are the photos visually
stunning, they create a necessary visual record of the power of student
organizing on campus. Without your work this Guide would be devoid of
powe rfl.u imagery.

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We also express gratitude to the 0-Team, DEB members and other voices on
campus who are committed to distributing the Guide!

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GROUND RULES

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The Oxy Disorientation Guide Team recognizes that Occidental College, and
all U.S. territory, is stolen land. Specifically, Occidental exists on the
occupied the land of the Tongva people, who cultivated lives, land and
culture long before colonization. We stand with indigenous people, including
the Tongva, in their fight for decolonization and autonomy.

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Oxy Disorientation Guide operates under the truth that all institutions are
inherently violent, specifically built on the traditions of anti-blackness
which ground all workings of the United States. Anti-blackness operates in
many intentionally-created
form of oppression, including: mass
incarceration, interpersonal microaggressions,
limited access to monetary or
educational resources, gerrymandering, political rhetoric and police
violence. This means that although Oxy seeks to rhetorically form itself as a
space for radical education or capitalizes on their students of color to
proport a kind of diversity, it is truthfully a very unsafe space in many
capacities for non-white students. Recognizing the prevalence of antiblackness on Occidental's campus can more fully equipped us as students
to combatting it, and ultimately aid in the healing of our peers of color.
While anti-blackness
may seem irrelevant to an economics major, a physics
major, a psychology major, it is necessary to point out that the choice to not
reckon with one's indoctrinated whiteness is both a privilege and actively

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affirms systems of oppression. It is not enough to read the New York Times
or to hate Trump, you must self-educate and decolonize. With these
understandings,
Oxy Disorientation Guide calls on students (specifically
non-black students) to interrogate how they have been indoctrinated in the
United States to participate in a system of white supremac y . Moving into a
process of decolonization not only opens up new avenues of connection to
your peers, professors and community members, but it can aid in the
addressing of anti-blackness
at Oxy.

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Resources for interrogating capitalism, anti-blackness
process of decolonization within yourself:


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Articles:
https: //www .sfu.ca/ ~palys/Miner - 1956 BodyRitualAmongTheNac irema. pdf
https://www .youtube .com/watch?v=2POOU6Gle1E
About Love talks

and starting a

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➔ Michael Hardt,

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Frantz Fanon, "Black Skin, White Masks"
Keeanga Yamahtta Taylor, "From #BlackLivesMatter to Black
Liberation"
Reni Edd a-Lodg e, "Why I'm No Longer Talking to White People About
R ace ,,
Jordan T. Camp and Christina Heatherton, "Policing the Planet: Why
the Policing Crisis Led to Black Lives Matter"
Angela Davis, "Are Prisons Obsolete?" and "Freedom is A Constant
S tru~e l "

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"Citizenfour"
"Inside Job"

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"Miss Representation"
"I Am Not Your Negro"
"Sorry to Bother You"
"The Life and Death of Marsha P. Johnson"
"Paris is Burnin""'5

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2015 AG O OCC U PATION

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Basic Info on the Occupation

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Why was the occupation started?
Instigated by national calls for confronting institutional anti-blackness
on
college campuses, most notably University of Missour i . In reaction to the
anti-blackness
of President Veitch, the administration of Occidental College
and the structural and interpersonal anti-blackness
of the College .

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Who started the occupation?

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CODE (Coalition at Oxy for Diversity and Equity) and Oxy United for Black
Liberation.

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List demands;

addressing

antiblackness,

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sexual assault

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Commodification
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to the occupation?

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of agency; legal action against students;

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Spirit of protest without concrete actions, factioning of some student
organizing groups, burnout due to emotional labor of organizing.

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The Occupation

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Occidental prides itself on promoting diversity through its pluralistic
community, which is dedicated to addressing the complexity of
multicultural issues. Despite these intentions, it is important to
continue to provide attention to college's mission to build diversity- so
as not to undermine these goals through neglect. The goal of this
archive is to critically examine the transformation of equity and
diversity at Occidental College by employing a historical approach.

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By providing a publicly accessible archive, we hope to provide others
with a centralized space for discussion on diversity and equity at
Occidental.

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This project was started by a small group of socially conscious
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Maeda. During the Spring of 2014, Maeda's community-based
learning course titled, "Culture and Community," reflected critically
upon issues at Occidental within the larger framework of diversity in
higher education. Here, students assumed the role of "activist
archivists," as they documented the history of diversity at Occidental
in order to better evaluate its presence today .

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[Timeline]
This timeline includes the context of the Occupation, the leading up
demonstrations
and the push by students to create what is now the
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FALL 2014 ,: Diversit y and Equit y Board Initiative (DEBI) is created by a
collective of students committed to addressing systemic modes of oppression
existent in the institution of Occidental College, calling for the creation of a
student -led branch of ASOC Government that focuses on raising awareness
and presence of issues of diversity and equity, as well as empowering
structurally-marginalized
students at Occidental College. Diversity in DEBI
includes, but is not limited to, race, gender, sexuality, ability, religious
affiliation, age, nationality, and citizenship. - RESF also issued a statement
of support for the creation of DEB.

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- On April 13, a student group begins circulating a petition to amend the
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approved through a student body vote instead of through Honor Board. The
petition collects 667 student signatures, fulfilling the 600 signature
minimum necessary to put the proposal on the ballot. However due to a
discrepancy in language between a digital petition and an in-person
petition, the amendment is nullified. The following semester, the vote is
reintroduced and is approved through a student body vote.

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K.S. lnui , a Japan scholar, is the first Asian (and first "non-white")
faculty member at Occidental.

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Occidental: Janet Stafford and Barbara Bowen .

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July 5, 1966: President Gilman writes a letter inviting Martin
Luther King, Jr., to give a speech on campus. In it, President Gilman
proudly asserts that "this College has in its own way sought to contribute
positively to the movement for equality for the American Negro in a variety of
ways" and that Oxy "constantly'' pursues "new ways to do more than we
have to date." Dr . King addresses the campus in Thorne Hall on April 12,
1967. However, the College does not yet address equality and diversity on
an institutional level.

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The list includes demands for faculty
and student exchange programs with Historically Black Colleges &
Universities (HBCUs); minority student/faculty/administrator
control over
minority admissions; a $15,000 fund, to be controlled by the Caucus, to run
academic success programs for Black students; special funds set aside , and
controlled by the Caucus, to bring Black speakers to campus; campus
purchasing policies to buy products only from "nondiscriminatory
suppliers
and contractors"; and Black Studies-related courses: Swahili, Black
Literature, and African Art/Peoples of Africa. BSC organizes a 2-day protest
and sit-in at the opening dedication of the new administration building, now
known as AGC.

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MEChA presents "MEChA Reports: A Report on Discriminatory
Practices at Occidental College" to the Board of Trustees. The Report calls

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Development; and
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This Report is an
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includes workshops and field trips around the Los Angeles area . MSI serves
as the model for the reconfiguration of the College's Cultural Studies
Program (general education program) in the mid-1990s.

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1 988 : John Brooks Slaughter becomes President of the College, brought
in to lead the transformation of the institution. The college begins to
diversify the student body, faculty, and curriculum. Within a decade, the
college becomes known for its commitment to equity and diversity. However
in years after it became apparent that his programs were intentionally
limited in scale by the BoT .

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"We expect you to dream about a future for this College and this Nation
that is free of fear , prejudice, intolerance, and injustice ... We expect
you to help us understand that quality and equality are inseparable and
that diversity is synonymous with what is best in America and should
be celebrated and not feared. " -President John Slaughter, addressing
students in Sept ., 1988.

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to the lntercultural Community Center ) and the Multicultural Residence

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mission, based on the principle that excellence
cannot be separated from equity, serves as the centerpiece and organizing
principle for planning at various levels of the College. The general education
program is redesigned as the Cultural Studies Program , the curricular
foundation for implementing the College mission . All entering students
enroll in team-taught, interdisciplinary courses in which "[n]ew perspectives
are taken on traditional material, and new material is introduced into the
curriculum as we expand our knowledge of the world and its constituent
cultures. The contributions of traditionally undervalued groups ... to the
history and society of our own and other cultures take their rightful place in
a tapestry whose colors are becoming richer as they become more varied"
(Occidental College: Pursuing the Vision of Excellence and Equity

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about fulfilling the College Mission. The College works to align efforts
across Academic Affairs , Student Affairs, and upper Administration
order to meet the needs of the Mission .

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From 2000 to 2006, the structural backpedalling awa y from diversity and
racial equity begun in 1999 takes a deeper hold amidst several changes in
higher admin istration . In this whirlwind, key events include:

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campus climate. In Spring 2005, student protests (including an action at an
admission event) lead to a presentation at a faculty meeting and a campus wide townhall meeting in Thorne Hall. Oxy Unite negotiates an "18-point
Plan " with President Mitchell and Dean Chan. Students Caitlin Lynch , Ali
Raymond, and Penny Saephan write an extensive Occidental College
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experiences, organizing efforts, and demands, as well as agreements made
by the administration.
As the Report notes,

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The student[s'] demands particularly addressed the third cornerstone
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particularly the equity portion, was upheld with the utmost
seriousness and effort by all parties at the school because of the
inconsistency
of the written mission and lived experiences (p. 2).

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In response to student protests during the 2004-2005 year,
a Special Assistant for Diversity (Prof. Donna Maeda) is appointed for a year
by the acting president . Participants from across the campus accomplish
the following:

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The following is a paper written by a core organizer of the AGC Occupation
of 2015. All names have been redacted and/or changed to preserve the
privac y of all students involved in the Occupation and surrounding events.
This reflection is a very important exercise in self-critique, which the
students of Oxy can learn from immensely. *indicates name has been
changed to preserve anonymit y

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Introduction
In solidarity with Black students at the University of Missouri and in
the context of over two years of concerted organizing efforts around diversity
issues, students at Occidental College occupied the Arthur G. Coons
Administrative Building for five days to remove the President of the College
from office. Black students at the University of Missouri successfully
removed the President of the university from office , by organizing the
football team to boycott all games until he stepped down. The universit y
system would have lost millions of dollars of revenue, had the team refused
to pla y, therefore forcing the administrative bod y' s hand. After the President
stepped down, Black students continued to fight for racial equality and
called other colleges and universities to hold actions in solidarity.
The Coalition at Occidental for Diversity and Equity (CODE) is an
activist organization on campus with both students and faculty serving in a
leadership capacity. CODE's aim is to hold the institutional accountable for
matching its actions with its rhetoric of multiculturalism
and equity.
CODE's biggest success to date was creating the Chief Diversity Officer
position at the Vice President level. CODE's work in the year before the
occupation had enlivened the campus through the successful impeachment
of the Student Body President, [name redacted), and the creation of a new
branch of student government, the Diversity and Equity Board (DEB)
(Shugarman, 2015). At the same time, a member of the fraternity Phi Kappa
Psi, [name redacted), attempted to throw an Eb ola / Malaysian Airlines/ ISIS
themed Halloween party (Rewers, 2014). Then a ye ar later, shortly before
the occupation, Ben Warner posted a Facebook status saying he "should
have gone bigger;" the status was 'liked' by several current Occidental
College students, including the President of Greek Council, [name redacted)
(Appendix 1). I posted a screenshot of his status , along with pictures of
those who had 'liked' or commented on the status, sparking a campus
dialogue on racism and Internet etiquette.
On November 9, 2015 , Rebecca Taylor*, while working at her
internship found the Mizzou Call to Action (Brooks, 2015). Rebecca, an
active member of the Coalition at Occidental for Diversity and Equity,
showed the article to Kaya Kumara* and myself. We then contacted leaders
in the Black Student Alliance, Ivan Richardson*, Vanessa Abrams* and

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Olivia Jilani* in order to plan an action for the next da y . This sparked a
protest of 600 students and a five-day occupation of the AGC,
fundamentally shifting the culture of the school and setting the stage for
more impactful student activism. Out of this moment, the organization Oxy
United for Black Liberation was born.
Oxy United for Black Liberation (OUBL) centers black people, who
face the most insidious forms of racism. In a speech, I wrote, "We recognize
that anti -black racism is the most pernicious and violent form of racism in
our society. By centering blackness, we create a more expansive and
emancipatory movement for liberation" (2015). Furthermore, the movement
aimed to put black students in leadership positions, for reasons that
seemed like an extensi on of standpoint theory, meaning they were most
capable of revealing the racism of the institution and making decisions.
During the occupation, our leadership became very hierarchical
because of the necessity of making quick decisions in the face of constantly
changing information. Due to my experience and engagement with
organizing , I, a non-black person of color, began to lead the occupation and
make strategic decisions, which seemed to be a betrayal of the ideals of the
movement. Moreover, this experience called into question this idea that only
those marked as 'black' were able to make decisions. At the end of the
occupation, I was left feeling empt y . We did not have an ideology. We did not
know who we were. We did not the future of our organization. I was left
wondering: What is blackness? Is it essentialized? Does our construction of
blackness lay the groundwork for the most effective and sustainable
movement building?
This paper is an attempt to grapple with these questions and raise
questions onto the soundness of our structure and ideology. By no means
do I claim to have absolute answers, but hope to raise concerns, grounded
in political theory to improve our theory and praxis. I argue that Oxy United
for Black Liberation, while attempting to internally support a deessentialized blackness cannot do so in political praxis, alienating both
black and non -b lack students. Instead, OUBL should view blackness as the
product of an epistemic community, whose posture can be adopted by
anyone, while in recognition of the material conditions that criminalize,
punish and dehumanize black bodies in unique ways.
What is Blackness to OUBL?
For the duration of the occupation, OUBL did not have a definition of
blackness. It must be inferred through the actions, discourse and
structures of the movement. Blackness must be centered in both political
actions and goals of the movement. At the rally kicking off our five-day
occupation, I said, "Blackness must be centered in any path towards
liberation. We recognize that anti-black racism is the most pernicious and
violent form of racism in our society. By centering blackness , we create a
more expansive and emancipatory movement for liberation." Blackness
must be centered because black people face the most racism. This rhetoric

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sets up a hierarchy of racial violence. Black people face the most violent
form of racism, and non-black people of color face varying degrees of racism.
Therefore, we center blackness, and the struggles of black people in order to
achieve racial liberation for all. We physically centered black students in the
first protest by forming an inner circle of black students, then concentric
circles of non -black people of color and white people (Appendix 2). People
were allowed to self-identify their race, but the circles seemed to represent
the phenotypic expressions of race, meaning those of African decent were
considered to be Black.
In the first large protest, blackness on campus was implicitly defined
by similar experiences of racism. Students openly talked about the liberal
use of the word, "nigga" by their peers, the disproportionate
criminalization
of black students by Campus Safety, professors' inability to encourage black
students and the administrations
incapacity to support black students once
they are recruited to campus to increase diversity numbers (Personal
observation). Thus blackness is defined by a shared experience of violence
from structures of power-economic,
administrative, and academic. Thus,
blackness is also defined by a shared experience of oppression at the hands
of structural, interpersonal and discursive violence.
An interesting caveat to this is seen in the experiences of a student of
North African decent. In the debrief after the first protest, students were
broken into debrief groups based off of their racial background: white,
Asian, Black, Latinx . The student of North African decent did not feel as
though their racial identity was represented, felt very triggered and left.
Thus, it seems as though blackness is implicitly defined by an African
phenotype. But, Africa is a large continent, and phenotypes are expressed in
diverse ways. Therefore, blackness seems to be related to a specific African
phenotype associated with darker skin. One's phenotypes must be
expressed in a certain way for one's experiences to be centered in Oxy
United for Black Liberation. The racial divisions produce erasure of those
who are outside of the traditional racial categorizations at Occidental: Black,
white, Asian, Latinx.
The issues of defining blackness, and who is Black enough for their
experiences to be centered pre -date the inception of Oxy United for Black
Liberation. When talking to my queer Black peers and friends, they
discussed how they did not feel welcome in the Black Student Alliance
because they felt as though they were forced to compromise their queerness
in order to participate in discussions. Thus, the structure was insufficient to
deal with the many intersections of identity. Moreover, other students have
said they do not feel as though they are "black enough" to actively
participate in BSA, because only a certain type of Blackness seems to be
accepted. A student chosen to be part of OUBL core echoed this sentiment.
She said that seniors wanted black students who were "like them," meaning
embodying a type of normative blackness in terms of speech, dress , and
coming from predominately black communities. Therefore, blackness is

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The Dangers of Essentialism and Exclusivity
Essentialism is problematic because it excludes allies, and reifies
conceptualizations
of race as a biological truth instead of a social
construction. OUBL essentializes blackness and reifies existing structures
that make students feel as though they must choose between their
blackness and other identities - queer, womxn, wealthy, transnational
adoptee etc . The traits of blackness are seen as irreducible, meaning they
make up the core of what it means to be black. Thus, those who do not
share those traits, even if they are seen as black, due to their phenotype,
are excluded . When these traits are seen as irreducible and necessary to
blackness, without engaging with the ways in which they are socially
produced and constructed, the community becomes exclusive:
"As such, not only may the community itself become oppressive to those
who do not share those attributes, or who wish to articulate experiences
that differ from those expressed by the majority, but the community
itself may be weakened in its resistance to other forms of oppression by
the distraction of its internal policing against difference." (Bhambra,
61) .
For people in the black community who do not share the essentialized, and
irreducible traits that 'define' blackness, they are excluded, and oppressed
through their difference. This is the most relevant in regards to students
who have other target identities and feel as though they do not have a space
to discuss their experiences if they want to be 'black.' Internal policing is not
usually explicitly done; internally leaders of OUBL espouse the necessity of
an unessentialized,
inclusive blackness . But, the policing is implicit; black
students who do not feel as though they are welcome, are not active
members of the Black Student Alliance, or look for other spaces on campus.
Moreover, the organizing space itself becomes toxic when the
incapacity to deal with internal difference is revealed. In the OUBL organizer
group chat, Melissa Ortiz* said that "one boy and one girl" first year should
sit on the new OUBL core. Some organizers (Fatima Levi* and myself) gently
mentioned that asking for "one boy and one girl" reified the violence of the
gender binary and erased non-binary, gender non-conforming, and gender
expansive black students. Melissa said it was "not my intention" to hurt
others, and the conversation shifted to procedural issues instead of the
oppressive language that was used. When Tatum Williams* brought up the
issue again; they /he were called "childish" for their reaction . Then, we were
told the issue was being handled internally, and active members of BSA
were texting Melissa. The issue of disparate ideas of the internal ideology of
the group and the violence of essentialized blackness were only resolved
when Ivan Richardson, president of BSA wrote,
"Melissa I think that what you have to understand is that when we're
speaking of people's lives that can't always be done respectfully or in a

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way that fosters community. The community became toxic when you
silenced and rendered individuals that don't operate in the binary
invisible" (Appendix 3) .

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While the rhetoric of inclusiveness is used in some leadership circles, in
practice violent language is used. Megan* eventually apologized for her
behavior, but the damage done was irreversible . We revealed that while we
exhibit an image of embracing difference, we cannot internally .
Furthermore, we implicitly police gender expansive individuals when we do
not recognize their presence. Thus, the community is less responsive to and
perpetuates other types of oppression .
The new structure of OUB, which only allows Black students into the
decision making group, in some ways essentializes blackness . The structure
assumes that Black students are best suited to identify and make decisions
based off of their social location and experiences, which then turns these
similar experiences into irreducible traits of blackness, assuming "that the
possibility of knowledge about particular situations is restricted to one's
possession of the relevant (seemingly) irreducible traits" (Bhambra, 60). The
relevant experiences of blackness thus lead to only certain epistemologies
concerned with liberation practiced by OUBL. Only black students possess
the relevant knowledge to make decisions and set goals that further racial
justice on campus. This structure then seems to deny that this epistemology
is accessible to non-black students and community members because they
cannot lead this movement. If only black students possess relevant
knowledge to be in leadership positions of the highest level, then we are left
wondering what happens when black students do not agree with the
movement. Is Jackson Reyes'* rejection of a movement reason to rev oke his
'black card' (Watanabe, 2015)?
Essentialized notions of shared experience, thus lead to a predilection
to certain ideologies under this structure. But, do not account for the ways
in which Black people can reject a seemingly Black ideology that centers
resistance. Thus, blackness becomes more exclusive to difference. It
assumes that black people will have the same ideology, values and
epistemologies due to their race because of essentialized notions of
experience. This is problematic because black people have different
experiences and identities, leading them to think in different ways as seen
with those who recognized the erasure of gender expansive people in the
OUBL group chat and those who did not. Moreover, one's similar phenotypic
traits with a group do not mean they will fight for that group's liberation as
seen in the actions of Clarence Thomas, Ben Carson or Alton Luke II.

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Professor Alvaro Perera * Takes a Stand- Essentialism Is its Own Form
of Violence
Blackness at Occidental is seen to be formed as essentialized, and
thus exclusionary of other marginalized identities, and based on victim
politics that does not focus on resistance. In conversation with a popular

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professor in the Critical Theories of Social Justice department, I gained
insight into critiques of OUBL from those also seemingl y dedicated to
liberatory practice. The rhetoric of micro aggressions becomes a defining
feature of Blackness, thus reifying victim politics , which undermines the
effectiveness of movement building. Perera believes that focusing on
"insistent victimage," meaning the rhetoric of constant micro aggressions,
imprisons the movement into talking about onl y one small type of violence,
which is not compelling "in a world of macro aggressions". Instead of
focusing on the ways that Black people have been hurt, OUBL should focus
on the how Black people have resisted and succeeded (Appendix 4) .
By focusing on the micro aggressions of people who are perceived as
Black, OUBL is seen to essentialize blackness to the ways in which Black
people have been historically oppressed, instead of conceptualizing
Blackness as resistance. In Griffin's view, OUBL portrays suffering as an
essential component of Blackness, which excludes the construction of
Blackness as resistance to whiteness, as defined by Baldwin. Baldwin
writes , "We ... even when we face the worst about ourselves, survived and
triumphed over it. If we had not survived, and triumphed there would not be
a Black American alive" (Baldwin, 2). Thus, the existence of Black people,
who were marked as such only by the Middle Passage , are defined by
resistance to whiteness; to be Black, is therefore an ideological position of
resistance instead of a phenotypic marker.
Because OUBL aims to give decision -making power to people
perceived as Black, a hierarchy is created in wh o can be Black enough to
have power. This formation of power arises from a sense of Black self
determination , which says Black people must make decisions for the Black
community and also that Black people have a unique vision because they
stand at the margins of society, a concept adopted from feminist stand point
theory (Harding, 127). Therefore, Black students, because of their social
location, are best equipped to make decisions for what constitutes Black
liberation. But, OUBL operates in a context in which some students who are
perceived as Black feel excluded from the implicit definition of Blackness.
Therefore, Perera asks " are the 'blackest' people going to make the best
decision? By this he means, are those who best fit an exclusionary definition
of Blackness best equipped to make decisions.
Moreover, this gives the 'blackest' people a moral high ground because
they have suffered the most under this framework of micro aggressions.
Professor Perera's analysis thus seems to reference an application of
Nietzsche's concept of slave morality. Black students seemingly focus on the
hurt caused to them by white students and non-Black students of color,
thus their focus is on their badness. The desire for power is then painted as
an immoral act because it is associated with the master, and suffering
becomes a virtue; consequentl y paralyzing OUBL's ability to act (Nietzsche,
156). Because of the positionality of th ose considered to be the 'blackest'
students, they are "bereft of an y responsibility, the "other" has become "the
good other," a victim with moral currency and epistemic authority that if

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thrown into question leave the critic open to the charge of generating
"poisonous" ideas" (Enns, 19). To critique the structure of Black students at
the top of the hierarchical structure of OUBL is seen as being anti -Black,
because those are the students who have suffered the most, and are
therefore the most virtuous. This reifies the construction of race as a
function of phenotype, further essentializing Blackness. Professor Perera
advocates for a completely de-essentialized Blackness that encompasses all
those who seek to resist oppression , regardless of the material reality of the
differences of treatment based off of phenotype. Furthermore, he believes
that the focus on micro-aggressions
leads to a violent victim politics , which
has a "low strategic and epistemological horizon for resistance" in the face of
a world of macro aggressions (Appendix 4).

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The Inevitability and Necessity of Essentialism
Even though some believe that essentialism is both limited and the
lynch pin of destructive movements , it is inevitable if we hope to ascribe
meaning to our words . To be able to talk about anti-Black racism
necessitates a common idea of what it means to be Black. Therefore,
discourses on race necessitate a common understanding
of a concept in
order to engage in critique and disclosure. Critiques falsely assume that a
non-essentialist
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"As such, it presupposed an oppositional theoretical architecture at
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simple essence as the ground of its discourse, in both conceptual and
practical, that is , political, terms" (Chandler, 34 7 -348).

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By creating a binary between essentialist and non-essentialist
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Professor Perera more emphatically assumes an essentialist framework; he
is caught in a binary that need not exist. Therefore, an understanding
of
essentialism and Blackness, that understands
how this binary is
complicated expands the definition of Blackness, while recognizing the ways
in which those coded as Black are impacted by racism in different ways. To
escape the violence and exclusion of an essentialized discourse, we must
push to uncover different discourses and conceptualizations
of race.
A defined, or even essentialized consciousness is necessary to begin to
disclose the needs and experiences of Black students on campus . Black
students feel the subalternizing effects of being unheard in predominantly
white institutions, where they feel as though they are voiceless. While not
subaltern , because their experiences are not unknowable, that is to sa y
outside of the limits of our ways of knowing, Black students are merely
guests in an institution catering to white people. Therefore, to begin to
organize, and speak necessitates a shared experience, or "consciousness" in
order to gain collective political power . It is necessary and strategic to
recover a shared consci ousness or experience that is obscured by

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whiteness: "This is all the more significant in the case of recovering a
consciousness because ... consciousness is the ground that makes all
disclosure possible" (Spivak, 221). Thus, a common understanding
of
Blackness allows for Black students' voices to be heard, and understood in
a way that is strategic and powerful. This disclosure functions as the basis
for political action as seen in the first rally of Oxy United for Black
Liberation, disclosure was the catalyst for large sustained political action.
While this shared sense of consciousness,
definition or essential
quality is necessary for political action, OUBL should also be aware of the
instability of consciousness.
Continuously breaking the "sign-chain" of the
construction of Blackness allows for new forms of intervention, thus
pushing against the hegemonic conceptions of race as biology. A sign-chain
is the symbols that produce the meaning of Blackness, which are used to
oppress. For example, conceptualizing Black as inferior, unintelligent,
unoriginal and deviant thr ough the controlling images of the Black woman
as Sapphire, Jezebel or Mammy. Therefore, while it is necessary to
essentialize in order to build collective action and power, that consciousness
must also be constantly interrogated and disrupted. Spivak writes, "the
possibility of action lies in the dynamics of the disruption of this object, the
breaking and relinking of the chain. The line of argument does not set
consciousness over the socius, but sees consciousness as itself also
constituted as and on a semiotic chain" (Spivak, 217). The shared
consciousness espoused by OUBL must constantly be interrogated and
disrupted because it too is on a semiotic chain, allowing for a continual
examination of the signs that signify blackness as essentialized and
subordinate. The construction of individual relationships, or socius, is not
superior to consciousness,
but exists on the same plane as a semiotic chain
that is impacted by signs that confer meaning. Thus, social interactions
must be interrogated, so they can be disrupted, and signs take on new
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meanings.

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Conclusion: To Def"me Blackness
An un-interrogated,
essentialized Blackness excludes, and
perpetuates oppressi ve discourses that are part of that definition. While
some critique essentialism, which specifically focuses on the rhetoric of
micro aggressions, as reducing the possibilities of the movement, and
supporting a victim politics that makes suffering virtuous, essentialism is
both necessary and inevitable. Thus Blackness ought to be broad enough to
encompass all those who work in resistance to oppression , while recognizing
the ways in which people who are perceived as Black through phenotype,
are treated in specifically insidious ways. Therefore, Blackness should be
defined as a "shared epistemological and political project as opposed to
notions of fixed characteristics-the
focus is on the activities individuals
participate in rather than the characteristics
they are deemed to possess"
(Bhambra, 63). But, with the recognition that this conception of Blackness
focuses on black as resistance to whiteness, is also that the characteristics

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of resistance change , which changes the meaning of "Black ." This definition
allows for an expansive and inclusive Blackness, recognizing the ways in
which those who are phenotypically "Black," do not engage in resistive
practices, and includes those do engage in resistance.
Essentialism is necessary to begin to disclose a collective's shared
experiences and begin the process of building political power. But, with that
essentialism must come the constant interrogation and recognition of the
ways in which the construction of Blackness is constantly changing.
Therefore, OUBL should construct Blackness as resistance to white
supremacy , as defined by Baldwin, while recognizing the many ways in
which resistance is practiced. An expansive, and self-reflective definition
builds political power, allows for discl osure, and recognizes the multiplicity
of Black identit y .
Appendbt
Appendbt 1
[Name redacted]

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First protest

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Group Me Violence

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Works Cited
http://occidentalweekly
.com/news/2015/04/
14/asoc -senate -impeachesstudent-body-president-vps-of-finance
-and-external-affairs-resign/

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http://occidentalweekly
dialogue-on -diversity/

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.com/news/2014

/ 11/04/party

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http://www .theblacktribune
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11 /09 /mo -s tate -activist-calls -for -

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necessary to give you the necessary information concerning the importance
of ASOC . While it may seem completely irrelevant to be a representative in
student government, the

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Each of the 4 branches of ASOC: Senate, Diversity & Equity Board (DEB),
Renewable Energy and Sustainability Fund (RESF or Sus Fund) and Honor
Board have their own budgets and operating power. While there is
communication between the branches when it comes to larger leveraging of
student power, it is a foundational understanding
that all branches are
autonomous. That being said, Senate and Honor Board have historically
worked to limit the autonomy of DEB and RESF. As was mentioned in the
Occupation section, when the proposal for what is now DEB came to Honor
Board and Senate to vote on, Honor Board rejected it three separate times
after an overwhelming student vote in support of DEB. Senate has asserted
itself as the "legislative" branch of ASOC and Honor Board as the ''judicial"
branch, effectively creating a hierarchy within the actual functions of ASOC.
Honor Board has the power to veto votes conducted from the entire
student body. To boil it down, DEB and RESF were formed from student
rallies for support of sustainable and equitable initiatives but remain just
lines in Senate's budget.

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More recently, Honor Board and RESF have made significant steps to
building working relationships with DEB that have proved to be fruitful:
DEB, RESF and Honor Board now have liaisons at most of each other's
meetings as usually only used to be the case for Senate. It has also become
apparent within the last two years that some members of Senate have
partnered with administrators
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Below is the 2018-2019 DEB report , which was discussed during the bi annual DEB Report Town Hall this past spring semester. The report details
what DEB members have been working on in their respective positions this
year and offers a useful resource into what campus work can look like from
inside ASOC.

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The following is a list of various official and non-official groups on campus
which vary in their organizing capacities, but all provide students with
spaces to push their critical thinking into more radical places and build a
tangible community .
Active Minds
Black Student Alliance (BSA)
Beauty Beyond Color (BBC)
Diversit y & Equity Board (DEB)
FEAST
First Gen Club
Jewish Student Union (JSU)
Latinx Student Union (LSU)
Oxy Students United Against Gentrification
Oxy Sexual Assault Coalition (OSAC)
Project S.A .F.E.
Q ueer H ouse
RESF (Sustainability Fund)
S.A.G.A.
Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP)
Student Labor Alliance (SLA)
Womxn's Rugby

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In higher-education
you will inevitably encounter a lot of theory . People
experience theory differently based on their lived experience, theory can
describe your life, truly resonating with your realities. However there is an
impenetrable nature to a lot of theoretical texts and discussions,
contributing to the elitist nature of universities. These classes have been
proven essential to us in our first years because they gave us malleable
tools to critically-engage with more advanced materials.

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to Islam (Professor Malek)
This is the most comprehensive overview into how racism and xenophobia
developed and persists in our society, along with an in -depth theological

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discussion of monotheisms. It really changes the way you approach
academic work and the ways in which you reproduce Orientalist ideas in
your own life. Professor Malek makes himself available to his students to
really engage deeply with the material and is amazing at debating ideas in
order to nuance understandings
of our world.

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This class is the only one of its kind within undergraduate
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studies because it centers the White "identity'' versus the
Black identity . It is an exploration into critical white studies

and the formation of Whiteness in American law . It examines
how Whiteness continues to evolve itself by the inclusion of some and
exclusion of Others. Griffin's goal for the class is n ot for black people to
come out of the class further identifving
with their blackness, but to truly
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that for blackness to
exist, whiteness also exists.

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Most radical use of theory in order to bridge the theoretical gaps between
Whiteness, Love and Justice. Not just another class on ganja-smoking
Rastas.

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States. Great integration of both in order to celebrate the complexity of
identity and the struggle toward justice.

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- Race and American

Politics (Professor Freer)
Race and American Politics dismantles the traditional framework of what a
political system entails and challenges our understanding
of Politics within
the United States. Critically analyzing the role of race within the political
realm , the class observes institutional disenfranchisement
of racial and
ethnic minority groups .

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If you are a "good" student, this is not the class for you . Professor Terry
emphasizes the radicality of Freire and Fanon's pedagogies to an extent that
forces you to engage at their level. Rather than follow traditional ways of
approaching education, the class dives deep into the critiques of modern
education methods and the grading system. Guaranteed to raise your GPA
and your critical consciousness.

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Religion and Politics (Professor Malek)
This is an absolutely formative class, making you rethink what you believe
and why you believe it . Especially important to take this class before
deciding your major, because it forces a reflection on what you believe and

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why you believe it. Through an analysis of the philosophical grounds of
historical alt-Right movements in the West and the underlying capitalist
system you are asked: why do we treat anyone well? It also asks "why do
you owe anyone anything?" in the context of immigration. Malek makes the
compelling claim that all theory and ideology is weaponized morality, which
forces you to critique the accepted moral grounds which have informed your
decisions up until this point.

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Please find below between the two horizontal lines the history of Project
S.A.F.E., as written by Alma Olvarria Gallegos '19.

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In 2002, student government pushed to have more counseling resources , a
more concrete anti -rape policy, and mandatory sexual assault education at
orientation and during hall meetings. As a result of these efforts, the Project
for a Sexual Assault-Free Environment (Project S.A.F.E.) was formed in
2003 when the Office of Student Life hired three students as programing
assistants to head a new Health and Wellness unit dedicated to educating
students about sexual assault prevention.
In 2007, the Intercultural Community Center hired a new assistant director
who had previous experience working with survivors of sexual violence. She
agreed to head Project S.A.F.E. as well and became a certified survivor
advocate in order t o provide direct support to students who had experienced
sexual violence. Under this new guidance , Project S.A.F.E. expanded its
mission and began to train their student staff how to support survivors
directly. Project S.A.F.E. staff trained alongside students working at the
Intercultural Community Center and the Center for Gender Equity; this
collaboration encouraged a deeper understanding
of the connections
between trauma, gender, sexuality and ethnicity.

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After student protests in 2013 and tw o federal complaints about the school
concerning its treatment of and response to sexual assault allegations,
Occidental invested more resources into Project S.A.F.E. and its Title IX
office. The College institutionalized
a permanent program manager to
oversee Project S.A.F.E. and added more programming assistant positions to
work as peer educators on issues of sexual assault , dating/domestic
violence, stalking, sexual harassment and sexual exploitation. The
Intercultural Community Center assisted the College in applying for a
federal grant which allowed Project S.A.F.E. to add a program coordinator
position. With a larger staff, Project S.A.F.E. was able to develop a two -

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volunteering

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Additionally, we do
organizations. Past
for Valentine's Day
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trainings and events by invite for clubs, teams, and
events have included a health y relationships workshop
with Active Minds at Oxy, and we have collaborated a lot
Parenthood club in recent years.

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I, personally, am trying to get some more consistent, open events off the
ground, such as self-care nights for survivors , support people of survivors ,
and perhaps this year begin open dialogues for those who are interested.
These would be open to students, and on occasion staff and faculty as well,
in the hopes of reminding students of the support structures in place for
them.

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Our office is also actively working towards becoming inclusive and
accessible. Our hiring practices seek out a diversity of backgrounds and
experiences so that we may better connect with the campus and its many
communities. We have worked on making our office hours more accessible
by holding them on lower campus at regular intervals, and have started
using Alt Text on instagram. Accessibilit y is still one of our biggest
struggles , because Oxy is not exactly the most accessible place.

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However, as a nonbinary, lesbian survivor of color, I'd like to add that
working there has been incredibly, for lack of a better word , empowering.
It's new to me, being able to enter survivor spaces and spaces centered on
dialogues around domestic, sexual, and intimate -partner violence and
assert myself despite my marginalized identities. Working at Project S.A.F.E.
has given me the tools and confidence to bring all of me my transness, my
queerness, my mixed heritage, and my story of survivorship-to
the table
and say "all of this matters, so we're going to work with all of this" . I'd love if
more students were interested in Project S.A.F.E., because the more voices
we have, the more effective we can be in our mission of ending sexual,
domestic, and intimate-partner
violence at Oxy.

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The following was written by members of Active Minds.
Active Minds at Oxy is the Occidental Chapter of the national organization,
Active Minds. Active Minds at Oxy seeks to raise awareness and reduce
stigma surrounding topics of mental health. All of our meetings are open to
all students-we
usually have a core group of students who attend every
meeting and a more fluid group of students who come and go depending on
the topic. We encourage students to come to any and all meetings whose
topics interest them, with the understanding
that not every topi c will be
interesting to everyone. In the past we hosted activity nights, events where
we teach practical skills for supporting
your own and other's mental health, and


fireside chats, which give people a space to
share and re-calibrate.
changing the conversatio n
It is often misunderstood to mean that we
about mental hea lth
are a club that focuses on mental illnesses. While we certainly do work
towards spreading awareness, tools, and resources for mental illnesses, a
significant portion of our focus is on self-care and creating space to cultivate
mental health. Our work is often focused through the lens of this
acknowledgement of human neuro-diversity. In the 2018-2019 academic
year, we tabled regularly, had biweekly open meetings, and held our annual
mental health story-sharing event. This is on top of our advocacy work on
campus, which has included successful efforts to print the National Suicide
Prevention Lifeline number on the back of new student ID cards.

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act1·vem1·nds

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One of our concerns with this club is the lack of racial and gender diversity.
Mental health is a conversation for everyone, and while not everyone needs
a space like Active Minds, we are worried that cisgender men and POC feel
our space is inaccessible. We have hosted men and mental health events in
an effort to combat this and are working on creating POC-centric spaces in
the coming year. We are, however, extremely proud to provide a space that
focuses on mental health, embraces neuro-diversity, and provides peer-topeer education and emotional and practical support for students. For more
information you can email activeminds@oxy.edu or follow Active Minds at
Oxy on FB and our Insta (activeminds .oxy).

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While there are many groups on campus who have engaged with and been
organizing on campus, as the graduation cycles ebbs and flows, so does the
capacity for groups to organize on campus. These are just a couple
.........
student-led groups who are actively engaging with different forms
_
of campus organizing work.

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WORK

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SLA is an unofficial group on campus, specifically working with the campus
cleaning staff, faculty, gr oundskeepers and dining hall workers to leverage
student power for the workers which are essential to Oxy's existence.
Specifically this past year SLA has worked with Non-Tenure Track faculty
(NTTs) in supporting their decision to unionize. When students rallied in
support of the NTT unionization, Dean Wendy Sternberg sent a letter
discouraging NTT from unionizing. This is completely illegal. In response
SLA wrote the following message:

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On Tuesday April 2, 2019, non-tenured track professors at Oxy filed
with the National Labor Relations Board to hold an electi on to
officially unionize. Oxy's Student Labor Alliance (SLA) mobilized over
100 students to stand in support of the faculty as they delivered their
petition to administration.
SLA's organizing centers on a coalition
between the students of Oxy and the employees of the college to
create a unified political front from which students' privileged
positionality can be leveraged to uplift the humanity of the campus
community at large. We are still actively working to support our staff
that face understaffing and overworking in every department . In
1991, Oxy had 56 cleaning staff workers but in 2018 it decreased
to only 38. Additionally , there has been a 52.7 % decrease in
grounds staff, from 23 workers in 1991 to only 11 in 2018
despite a significant increase in the workload. Although workers
won 4 new bargaining-unit
positions last summer during their
contract negotiations, the issue is far from being resolved . Cleaning,
grounds, and other facilities staff are still suffering the physical
damage and mental toll of being overworked every day at Oxy. While
most of the public organizing SLA has been a part of revolves around
the long-unionized custodial, dining, grounds, and facilities staff, SLA
fully supports the work of Oxy faculty who constitute a great part of
the community and are also at the mercy of exploitation by the
administration . One-third of Oxy professors are non-tenured , and
many face job insecurity with their appointments varying "from full
time to part time from semester to semester or year to year " (American
Association of University Professors), along with not being fairly
compensated for their work.

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This mobilization comes off the heels of Black Studies Associate
Professor Courtne y Baker's resignation Monday April 1, citing
"hostility from the senior administration about preserving
American
Studies," the need to compensate faculty serving on advisory
boards who "are effectively conducting at least 150 % of the work
of single- appointment faculty," and the need to hire faculty who
can adequately address Oxy's "recent history of blackface,
invocations of an Aryan alliance , [and] the repeated celebration of
a leading eugenicist." All of these incidents call to the forefront the
need to uplift the labor of all members of the Oxy community and
actively fight against legacies of settler-colonial exploitation and white
supremacy that undermine the livelihoods of Oxy students, staff,
faculty, and neighbors. Labor issues are inextricably enmeshed with
the all of the oppressi ve social structures that aggrieve our campus
and it is vitally important to organize around them. For all of these
reasons, we as the Student Labor Alliance are in full support of
the list of demands articulated by the ASOC Direct Action
committee to begin to address the constant exploitation our
commun1 ·t y ~1.aces.
Status of Non-Tenure Track Faculty (American Association of
University Professors) ht tps: //www.aaup .org/report/status-nontenure -track-faculty

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their appointments may vary from full time to part time from semester to
semester or year to year, depending on fluctuations in funding and
enrollment ."
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rely heavily on non-tenure-track
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regularly reviewed or rewarded, and who may be shut out of the governing
structures of the departments and institutions that appoint them."

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semester SJP had a week of events during their Israeli Apartheid Week
which consisted of artistic events, panel discussions and open campus
conversations about the Palestinian struggle and the call for BOS. Attached
below is the BOS handbook released from SJP during the 2019 Spring
semester, during the launch of their BOS campaign which will continue this
year. The demands of BOS were signed on to by all branches of ASOC, and
the formal statement from SJP is as follows:

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We are a coalition of Occidental students who call upon the
Occidental College Administration and the Occidental College Board of
Trustees to divest all stocks, funds, endowment, and other monetary
instruments from companies that profit from the State of Israel's
violations of international law and Palestinian human rights through
its ongoing system of settler colonialism, military occupation,
and apartheid (1).

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Our campaign is in direct response to the call by Palestinian Civil
Society (2) for international solidarity. It is embedded within a larger
movement by campuses, academics, religious institutions, and
organizations (3) in the United States that put economic pressure on
the State of Israel to recognize and respect the fundamental rights of
Palestinians. This will be done through a movement to Boycott, Divest
and Sanction (BOS) the State of Israel. Modeled after the South
African anti-apartheid
movement, BOS is a non-violent movement
t h at urges

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individuals, organizations, and countries to pressure
the Israeli government to comply with international law and halt its
human rights abuses of Palestinians.

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After a period of active organizing and a concentrated effort to raise
awareness on Occidental's campus, we are proud to have garnered
the support of many of our community members. As part of our
campus organizing, we have built a coalition of groups representing
the diversity of Occidental community members who have supported
our efforts for a larger Ethical Investment campaign: Jewish Student
Union (JSU), Sexuality and Gender Acceptance (SAGA), Oxy 350,
Muslim Student Association (MSA), MULTI, South Asian Student
Association (SASA), Latin Student Union (LSU), No Lost Generation
(NLG), Black Student Alliance (BSA), Oxy Beekeeping, Armenian
Student Association, Planned Parenthood , and Occidental StudentLabor Alliance (SLA).

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As Occidental students, we are compelled by the mission of the
College (4) to "create and sustain a campus environment
characterized by a spirit of mutual respect and cooperation based

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upon our common vision and shared values." With a heightened sense
of responsibility, it is clear that we must take action to ensure that
the administration upholds the very vision it puts forth. This is wh y
we call upon the College President, Administration , and Board of
Trustees to recognize that the College's actions and monetary
investments are not separate from the people affected by and
complicit in Israeli human rights violations (5). The communities
impacted by Israel's continual violence include students , academics ,
people of color, indigenous people, religious and gender minorities,
refugees, Israelis, and Palestinians both in Palestine and its diaspora
- all communities which the College claims to serve with its
commitment to equity.

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Here, we also point to Occidental Investment Committee 's role (6) in
"set[ting] the policies and procedures that guide investment
decisions ... and ensure[ing] that the Board's fiduciary responsibilities
as respects [sic] the prudent handling of the College's endowment ."
We recognize that the Investment Committee's oversight over the
College's end owment policies and procedures are necessarily guided
by a deeply rooted commitment to public good; thus, we emphasize
that Occidental's monetary apparatus is inextricably linked to
standards of socially

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responsible investment. Since Occidental is a private institution, we
are limited in our capacity to gauge the extent to which Occidental
invests in corporations directly connected to Israel's violence against
the Palestinian people. However, many U.S. colleges and universities
are

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invested in such corporations and we ou tline in detail the ways in
which these companies engage in human rights violations. We assert
that by supporting such companies , Occidental College is profiting of
the illegal military Occupation of the West Bank and the Golan
Heights and Siege of Gaza, the destruction of Palestinian homes and
construction of illegal settlements (7), the restriction of freedom of
movement and the surveillance and policing apparatus that is
the Apartheid wall (8), the theft of Palestinian resources (9), and the
unequal treatment of Palestinians under the law (10) . Accordingly , we
demand:

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Occidental College to immediately withdraw investments in securities,
endowments, mutual funds, and other monetary instruments with
holdings in the companies we have identified as being complicit in the
State of Israel's violations of International law and that it makes
public statement confirming divestment. Occidental must confirm
that it will not invest in these companies until they cease their

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operations in and profits from Israeliapartheid,
or until the State
of Israel dismantles its apartheid wall and occupation, promotes the
rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality, and allows
Palestinian refugees to return as demanded by the larger Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions (11) solidarity movement.

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More transparency regarding Occidental's investments . We ask that
Occidental makes available, to all members of the community,
information about its investments and endowment in the spirit of
transparency and mutual accountabilit y .

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The formation of an Advisory Committee on Socially Responsible
Investment (or Advisory Committee on Corporate Responsibility in
Investment Policies). This Committee will conduct research on all
holdings (direct and indirect) in order to determine if they are
complicit in Israeli practices that are illegal under international law.
Furthermore, we request the public availabilit y of this research, in
pursuit of a socially
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investments and assess
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EXCITED FOR SPRINGFEST AND JOEY
SADA$$?

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WE SURE HOPE SO!

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YOUR ASOC STUDENT FEES HELP MAKE THIS
DAY POSSIBLE.

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JOEY SADA$$ IS AN OUTSTANDING
ARTIST
AND WILL PUT ON A GREAT SHOW.

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THE MESSAGES IN HIS MUSIC ARE ALL ABOUT
CRITIQUES OF OPPRESSION,
RACIAL JUSTICE,
AMONG OTHER THINGS.

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"FULL HOUSE ON MY HANDS, THE CARDS I
WAS DEALT. THREE K'S, TWO A'S IN
AMERIKKKA.
l'M JUST A BLACK SPADE
SPAWNED OUT THE NEBULA. AND EVERYTHING
I DO OR SAY TODAY IS WORTHWHILE.
WILL
FOR SURE INSPI t: AC,TION, HvLD UP, YEAH,
UH" FROM LAND OF THE FREE

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''IF YOU WANNA MAKE CHA GE, IT' GON'
TAKE COMMITMENT"
FROM TEMPTATION

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"SOME OF US WOKE WHILE SOME STAY
SNOOZED. ZOMBIES W.\LKIN'
AROU D
TRIPPIN' OVER ISSUcS" FROM GOOD MORNING
AMERIKKKA

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WONDERING
WHAT THESE THEMES MEAN ON
CAMPUS? CHECK OUT THE RECENT DEMANDS
FOR IMPROVING
THE LIVES OF BLACK
STUDENTS AT OXY!

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The flyer above was distributed through ASOC DAC during the
lead-up to 2019 Springfest, whose headliner was Joey Eada$$.

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RESOUR CES FOR FURTHER
RESEAR
STUDENT
MO,TEMENTS AT OXY

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OSAC website: httns : //oxysexualassaultcoalition.wordnress
CODE website: https ://codeoxy .wordpress .com/
OUBL website: htt n ://oxyunited.weebly.com/

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Student photographer of Occupations Cesar Martinez Barba's website:
httn: //www .cmnhoto84.com/ occunation/deqos0jb936dlsb7rihd88zynzl

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https ://www .oxy .edu/news/ oxy -student-protest -updates

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News article about the MU protests which sparked occupations & protests
across the nation:
httns : //www .columbiamissourian.com/news/higher
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News articles about the Occupation:
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https : //www .usatoday .com/ story/ college/2015/ 11 / 17 / occidental college -stu den ts -occuny -administration -building -with -list -ofdemands/37409189/
• https : //www .scpr.org/news/2015/
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publishing):
• httns : //www .theoccidentalnews .com/culture/2019/04/
16/then-vs now-a -brief -look-at -campus-activ ism-through -time/ 28977 75

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