The Johns Hopkins Disorientation Guide Fall 2018: "the truth will set you free"


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The Johns Hopkins Disorientation Guide Fall 2018: "the truth will set you free"




Baltimore, Maryland


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Dear Reader,
What you have in your hands here is the Fall 2018 Dis-Orientation Guide,your
introduction to Johns Hopkins University- well, a slightly different "Johns Hopkins" than what typically comes to mind. It's true that this is a world-renowned
institution with a beautiful campus and an impressive community of scholars
and researchers.This is the Johns Hopkins we see in our admissions brochures,
the one our parents like to brag about, the one donors want to plaster their
names on. This is also the Johns Hopkins that hides the costs for the resources
and privileges we enjoy as members of this institution.
For every Hopkins medical discovery,there is a history of exploited test subjects who did not give their consent for experimentation. For every new shiny
student startup space,there are black families whose homes were demolished
to clear the way. For every FFCmeal swipe, there is a dining worker laboring
for less than a living wage. For every attempt at increasing security by arming
police on campus,there are classmateswho are getting increasinglyworried
about racial profiling and police brutality. These are the costs that we may not
personally pay, but threaten marginalizedcommunities, people of color, workingclass peoples- people who really shouldn't be paying these costs.
There are multiple "Johns Hopkins" that people experience,not just the one
you read from your daily email from JHU Communications.Some academic
departments have no faculty from minority groups despite Hopkins saying that
diversity is important to its educational mission.A student struggling with their
mental health might find an overbooked and understaffed CounselingCenter,
despite Hopkins emphasizing how much it prioritizes mental health. A survivor
of sexual assault might take several months to hear back from University investigators, despite Hopkins committing itself to resolving cases within a 60-day
period. And when confronted with these discrepancies,the University often
suggests that these experiencesare all exceptions to the norm. When everything seems to be an "exception," does Hopkins really live up to the standards it

These are the other Johns Hopkinses.We hope that this little booklet will
guide you through some of the major issues happening at our university.
Throughout the following pages,you may notice some overarching themes:
Little improvements that Hopkins spins as huge victories, claims that lack evidence,decisions made by administrators without student or community input,
unfulfilled promises.
Many of these problems have been around for a long time, some since this
school'sfounding back in 1876.Reform comes slowly, and Hopkins has the advantage of just waiting for its more, ahem, vocal students to graduate. If, after
reading this booklet, you think, "Wow,this is all so fucked up," there are many
others who have had the same exact thought. Convenientlyenough, a lot of
them are in the student groups and community organizations listed at the end
of this booklet. Go talk to them. You'd be surprised how much you can learn
from all the other Johns Hopkinsesthere are.
With love,

the editors of
the disorientation

Regulating ''Freedom of Expression'' at HopRins
HopRins and Development in Baltimore
Race and Public Health
HopRins Priorities
Students Against Private Police & ICE
The Militarization

of the University

Race on Campus
An Alum's Recollection

of the Uprising

Labor at HopRins
A Letter from Teachers & Researchers United
The Culture of Sexual Violence
The State of HopRins Mental Health

Rights 101

Divest the Nest! Fossil Fuel Divestment@ HopRins
Food Justice:

What's on our plates?

Power Mapping
List of Resources in Baltimore

Regulating ''Freedom of Expression'' at Hopkins
The 2016-2017schoolyear was a busyyear for student activism due to a whole
host of shitty Universitydecisionsamongother things, so in April 2017,the school
releaseda "Student Guidelinesfor FreeExpression."This friendly threat pointed
out how,as a private entity, Hopkinshad the right to determine"the time, place,
and manner"for all student gatherings.Thesekindly remarkscameunder the
guiseof "protecting the health and safety" of peopleon campusand as a way to
upholdFire Coderegulations.This April draft of the guidelinesevenadmitted to
itself that it "recognize[d]that the creationof the guidelinesas antithetical to the
spirit of free expression."
This charmingself-awarenesstruly manifesteditself when the Universityreleased
an updateddraft called[drumrollnoise]"Guidelinesfor students in support of
free expressionthrough protests and demonstrationsat the HomewoodCampus"
after eventhey realizedhow authoritarian their April draft was. Insteadof outright
threateningstudents,this new documentstrongly suggeststhat students abide by
the guidelinesand to let the Universityknow 10 days in advanceof any protests.
They evenoffered schoolliaisonsto listen to student concernsas if that tactic has
ever worked in the past.
It's important to nete-that these guidelinesare not mandatoryso feel free to disregard them. Almost all its guidelinesare rules that alreadyexist in the Student Code
of Conductwhich we are supposedlyfollowing anyway.At its face,this document
is now less of a threat but more an insult that suggeststhat Hopkinsstudents are
incapableQfadvocatingfor issuesthey care about.

A history of Hopkins &
Development in Baltimore
Johns Hopkins' history is complex and mixed, but there is no doubt that
Hopkins and its affiliates have strengthened racial segregation, poverty, and
unfair development policies for more than a century. The original site of the
university was on the borders of Eutaw Placeand Bolton Hill-two wealthy,
white neighborhoods beginning a process of dramatic racial change.Hopkins'
northward move to the Homewoodplantation in 1901destabilized an already
shaky housing market. Black families, who had difficulty finding housing elsewhere in the city, bought homes in West Baltimore as white families fled the
neighborhood. After Hopkins left the area, bringing with it many professors and
administrators who lived nearby,McCullohAvenue becamean important line of
racial segregation-black families lived to the west, while white people lived to
the east.
Hopkinsacademicsdevelopedand advocatedfor white supremacistideas,which
in turn impacted policy makers.Dr.WilliamWelch,the first dean of the Johns
HopkinsSchoolof Medicine,directed eugenicsresearchwith Dr. LewellysBarker,
the chief physicianof Johns Hopkins Hospital (JHH). Eugenicsbecamea part of
the ideology of turn-of -the-century progressives,includingPresidentWoodrow
Wilson(Ph.D., 1886), who famouslyshowed The Birth of a Nation,a film heroizing
the Ku Klux Klan,at the White House,calling it "all so terribly true."
Between 1950 and 1961,Hopkins and the city collaborated to demolish the
Broadway Housing Project adjacent to JHH- without consulting residents of
the community. More than a thousand poor, black Baltimoreanswere displaced,
and the Broadway RedevelopmentProject became an opportunity for JHH to
expand westward, building a community for white, well-off Hopkins employees
and physically separating the hospital from nearby poor and black communities.
The East Baltimore DevelopmentInitiative (EBDI) began in 2001 as a

collaboration between the federal government, the State of Maryland, the City
of Baltimore, and Johns Hopkins Institutions, among others. The City used
eminent domain, along with money from foundations and federal and state
governments, to acquire land and redevelop it according to a plan developed
largely by Hopkins again without input from residents in the Middle East and
The Save Middle East Action Committee (SMEAC)organized to fight the demolition of Middle East, winning some concessionsfrom EBDI.Ultimately, however,
they were unable to prevent the expulsion of much of the neighborhoodfrom
their homes,and SMEACdissolved when 750 families were displaced.Residents
who had lived in Middle East their entire lives were forced out. Hopkins, moreover, originally had no intention to pay residents who they dislocated anywhere
near a fair amount. It was only due to the organizing efforts of community
groups like SMEACthat residents were paid more. Now, Middle East Baltimore is
filled with Hopkins facilities and homes for Hopkins doctors and affiliates.
Gentrification, failed development, and racial segregation continue to plague
black and poor communities in Baltimore. Hopkins and the city government now
have their sights on Perkins and DouglasHomes in East Baltimore, and housing
prices have risen by more than five times in the McElderry Park neighborhood,
a poor, black community east of the Johns Hopkins Medical Institute. Near
Homewoodcampus,similar increasesin housing prices are making neighborhoods like Remington,Old Goucher,and CharlesVillage unlivable for many
longtime residents. These changesare driven in part by the continuation of
EBDIand Hopkins' program for central Baltimore, the HomewoodCommunity
Partnerships Initiative (HCPI).
But what if we created a new paradigm for development in Baltimore? Development without displacement-fair development for everyone.After all, who has
the right to change Baltimore's land if not the people who live, work, play,and
worship there now?

Hopkins' shining reputation as nation's third best undergraduate public health
studies program and best graduate public health school is matched with a far
uglier side.
Johns Hopkins Hospital (JHH), now known as the Johns Hopkins Medical
Institute (JHMI), started amidst an era of growing racial tension in 1889. Many
people in surrounding communities in the city have grown up hearing that
Hopkins would abduct children off the street for experiments.
The most infamous example is that of Henrietta Lacks,who underwent a cervical exam at JHH in 1951.Without Lacks' or her family's consent, the doctor
took a biopsy of her tumor. Henrietta's robust cancerouscells were propagated,
circulated, and used in research around the world. Calledthe HeLa cells, Lacks'
cells were the first to live outside the body and "have becomethe most widely
used human cells that exist today in scientific research." Yet Henrietta Lacks'
family was not made aware of this until the early 1970s- almost two decades
after her death in 1951.As recently as 2017, her family tried to sue Hopkins for
the institution 's gross violation of consent and exploitation of her cells.
Other stories are lesswell-known. In the mid-1960sto 1970s,Dr.DigamberBorgoaonkar drew bloodfrom over 7,000 boyswho were enrolledin a free Hopkinschild
care program,whosefamilieswere told that their childrenwere beingtested for
anemia. The majority of these boyswere from low-incomeblackfamilies. Hopkins
scientistsusedtheir bloodto screenthem for the XYYkaryotype,thought by some
scientiststo makemen more likelyto becomecriminals.Informationabout the
bloodsamplesand boys' nameswas then passedonto the police.
More recently,in the 1990s, the Kennedy Krieger Institute (KKI) conducted a
study on exploring cost-effective ways of reducing lead levels in contaminated
homes. Lead poisoning has devastating effects: inability to focus, severe behavior issues,and decreasedIQ among them. Study participants were recruited

through Baltimore landlords,whom the KKI " rent these [leadcontaminated] properties to families with children." Even more troubling is that
"families were encouragedto remain in these properties if their blood was to
be tested" and were not informed of the health risks that their children would
face if they continued to live in these residences.Two of the families eventually sued the KKI in 2001, and the case was brought to the Maryland Court of
SpecialAppeals,which compared the study to the famously unethical Tuskegee
SyphilisStudy. The KKI was sued again in 2011for knowingly exposing children
to sources of lead when families discoveredthat their children's blood lead
levels had increasedafter the study.
These actions, and many more, have caused deep-seated (and well-founded
distrust of Hopkins in the black communities around its campuses.
The cultural divides and historical trauma caused by racism in the fiealthcare
system have had quantifiable effects on the health of black communities.While
the JHMl's physical size, fame, and prestige have grown, the structural and
physical health of the communities surrounding the JHMI has deteriorated. For
example,Residents in RolandPark, a majority white neighborhood,are expected
to live 84 years, while residents in Oldtown/Middle East, a majority black
neighborhood,are only expected to live until 70.
We learn in our public health classesthat any sort of public health work done
in a community must be a community-led effort. As JHU students, we must
work with and under community leaders to come to a compromise,come into
a community willing to learn and understand the culture and history of that
community,and address any concerns and questions that the community has.
Achievingtrue public health and reconciliation means undoing the effects of
decades' worth of institutional racism, abandonment,distrust, and fear caused
by our university.



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All the damnfootnotesfor the previouspage:
1. (In

case you've ever wondered what native Baltimoreanscall JHU..... See #9.)
· Ed Pilkington, "Top US universities use offshore funds to grow their huge endowments,"
The Guardian(8 Nov.2017).
U.S.Department of DefenseContract, ReleaseNo: CR-009-1, (12 Jan. 2018). <https://
· Colin Campbell,"Johns Hopkins leader Danielshas seventh highest base salary among
private college presidents," Baltimore Sun (10 Dec. 2017).
· Ian Duncanand Talia Richman,"Johns Hopkins University wants its own police department," Baltimore Sun (18 Mar. 2018).
· Mira Wattal, Corey Payne,and EmelineArmitage, "Hopkins must break with ICE - now,"
Baltimore Sun (19 July 2018).
· MeaganPeoplesand Morgan Balster,"Hopkins didn't go far enough in divesting from
coal," Baltimore Sun (27 Dec. 2017).
· Siddhartha Mitter, "Gentrify or die? Inside a university's controversial plan for Baltimore,"
The Guardian(18 Apr. 2018).
· Tamar Lewin, "U.S.Investigating Johns Hopkins Study of Lead Paint Hazard," The New
York Times (24 August 2001).
· Steve Hendrix, "Johns Hopkins Hospital inspires mistrust and fear in parts of East Baltimore," WashingtonPost (25 Jan. 2017).
· Jaisal Noor, "Nurses DemandJohns Hopkins Halt 'Anti-Union Campaign,"'The RealNews
Network (26 Apr. 2018); Sarah Meehan,"Nurses at Johns Hopkins allege hospital is impeding their efforts to unionize,"The Baltimore Sun (25 June 2018).
· Jeanette Der Bedrosian,"First-Year Medical Students Still Rely on Cadaversto Learn
Anatomy,"JHU Magazine (The Hub) (Winter 2016).
· Alyssa Wooden,"Contract worker unions rally for job security," The Johns Hopkins
News-Letter (8 Dec. 2016); Corey Payne,GraceHargrove,ChaseAlston, "JHUefforts to cut
a union company raises doubts about its commitment to Baltimore," The Baltimore Sun (29
July 2016).
· Sarah Y. Kim, "Henrietta Lacks' estate to sue Hopkins Hospital," The Johns Hopkins
News-Letter (2 Mar. 2017) and "2018 Henrietta Lacks Memorial Award Nomination Submission Information," Johns Hopkins Urban Health Institute.
· Scott Dance,"Hopkins faces $1B lawsuit over role in government study that gave subjects STDs,"The Baltimore Sun (1 April 2015); Oliver Laughland,"Guatemalansdeliberately
infected with STDssue Johns Hopkins University for $lbn," The Guardian(2 April 2015);
SushmaSubramanian,"Worse than Tuskegee,"Slate (26 Feb 2017).
· Sarah Y. Kim and Alyssa Wooden,"RAs on financial aid demand equitable compensation,"
The Johns Hopkins News-Letter (29 March 2018)




In the MiddleEast neighborhoodof BaltimoreCity,Hopkins-sponsoredresidences
are a painful sight. For its life-long residents,these buildingsare much more than a
barbedwire fence,which line parts of the university'sEast Baltimorecampus.They
representthe displacementof over 700 families,the necessary'collateraldamage'
in Hopkins' conquestto build the biggest,most beautiful nest in BaltimoreCity.
This project, known as the East Baltimore DevelopmentInitiative (EBDI),is part
of the university's attempts to make the city more desirablefor its bluejays. Just
like a real bluejay, which consumesthe young of neighboringspecies,Hopkins
sacrifices its neighbors:black, working class families.
But, as studentsdiscoveredlast spring,residentialtower-fencesand metaphoricalbird
cannibalismhasnot quelledour university'sappetitefor expansion.Whatwould it take
for Hopkinsto buildthe biggest,most beautifulnest in BaltimoreCity?In a schoolwide emaildeliveredon March5th, administrators
finallyanswered:a privatepoliceforce.
The timing of the March 5th email was a
- V
deliberate attempt to curb opposition. Be............................. ""'................
~ ~ ~'l!lrf
cause only in March did students, faculty, and ~j
--------------------------staff learn that since January, Hopkins had
been pushing a bill through Maryland State legislature that would allow private
universities to establish their own police forces. Many community leaders did
not learn of our university's intentions until one week after we did-despite
Hopkins' claim that it put forward this proposal with community support.
Youmight be thinking: What'swrong with a private policeforce?Don't most
universitiesin Marylandmaintaintheir own policeforces?Isn't Baltimoredangerous?Administratorsthemselvescited safety concernsover the "challengesof urban
crime here in Baltimore"and policedepartments maintainedby "universitypeers in
Philadelphia,Chicago,and LosAngeles"as reasonsfor creatinga HopkinsPD. Yet
the "challenges" that the Hopkins administration never seems to remember are
the harm and violence experienced by people of color when increased policing is
enacted as the solution to crime.

Whileit might be commonfor our "university peers"-such as the Universityof
Chicagoand the Universityof CaliforniaLos Angeles(UCLA)-to maintaintheir own
policedepartments,it is also commonfor these sameinstitutions to be in the news
for racialprofiling and policebrutality. In 2006, campusPDtasered UCLAsenior
MostafaTabatabainejadfor refusingto produceidentificationin a university library.
And,only one month following the announcementof a potential HopkinsPD,University of Chicagopoliceofficers shot fourth-year CharlesThomas,who was suffering
from a bipolarepisodeat the time. Both Mostafaand Charleswere students of color.
These are the costs of being a Black or Brown student on a highly militarized
campus.Taseredfor studying, or worse, shot for your mental illness. And
UChicagoand UCLAare not anomalies.They reflect the willingness of police
to immediately use force against anyone perceived as 'other,' even when they
are students of institutions. There's no reason to think-especially given its history-that our university would be an exception.
What'sthe cost of being a Black or Brown student at a militarized Hopkins?As
fourth year public health major and Black Student Union president ChisomOkereke puts it, "We are going to be seen as a threat, like the Baltimoreansthey feel
they have to protect themselvesagainst."
Who are the Baltimoreansthat
Hopkinsfeels they have to protect
themselvesagainst?Are they the
unarmed,black men who frequent
suspect descriptions in emails sent
by CampusSafety and Security
Advisory?The same ones who
prepare your lunch at the Fresh
Food Cafeor who attend Margaret
Brent Elementary?A private police
force would also impact Black and
Brown Baltimoreanswho live and
work near Hopkins' campuses.




,<rl O ~'/ T H E 8 A L T I ;,10 R E
D E P A R T ;,1E ri T :

- In Spring2015,FreddieGray,a BlackBaltimorean,
died in policecustody. All officers were acquittedin
the trial. His death sparkedthe BaltimoreUprising.
- The U.S. Department of Justice releaseda report
in 2016 detailing how the BPDroutinely violated
constitutional rights and had a pattern of harassing
African Americans.
- The GunTraceTaskForcewas an elite unit of BPD
officers who robbedcitizens, confiscateddrugs and
guns to resell on the street, and searchedpeople
and property without warrants.
-A whole lot of other shit. Go google the rest.

In Hyde Park, the neighborhood surrounding the University of Chicago,99 citi zens filed complaints against the UCPDfrom 2005 to 2014. Of those, 77 were
filed by Black-identifying residents.
And what these university spokespersonsalways neglect to mention is that in
2016, there were 44 cases of campus sexual violence (reported and unreported)
in and around Hopkins' campuses,as compared to 43 cases of robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, and motor vehicle theft. Additionally, in 2017, victim
based crime in and around Hopkins' campuseswas at a four year low. In spite
of these statistics, the conversation surrounding crime at Hopkins is disproportionately skewed towards non-student on student crimes, instead of studenton-student. This supports the flawed narrative that Baltimore is dangerous,
that Baltimoreansare dangerous,that students need armed guards to protect
themselves against Baltimoreans- a narrative which collapsesthe moment we
begin to see the city's residents not as a monolith, but as people.

5APP protest outside President's House.

Givenall of this information,students
couldn'tlet Hopkins'proposalgo
unchallenged.In the four daysfollowing
the March5th email,we formed the
StudentsAgainst Private Police(SAPP)
coalition,releaseda petition condemning
the university's actions,and held our
first protest. Wemarchedto the President's House.As SAPPorganizerKyra

Mekosaid,"We figured that if PresidentDanielsis okay with sendinga private police
force into communitieswhere peoplelive,he wouldn't mind somevisitors at his own
houseletting him know what they think." That sameday,SAPP'spetition garnered
over 1500signaturesfrom students,faculty,staff, and communitymembers.All of
this in four days.
Our efforts did not stop at Homewoodcampus.Wetook our grievanceswith us to
Annapolis:phone-banking,canvassing,and testifying directly to city and state legislators. By March30th, thanks to a joint struggle led by SAPPand community

organizations,sponsoringdelegateCurt Andersonpulled Hopkins'bill.
Despitethis political win, the struggle against a Hopkins PD is far from finished.
Followingthe delegate'spronouncement,administrators quickly announced that
the bill would be in "summer study" until its reintroduction in January of 2019.
SAPPcannot and will not stop organizing.Werecognizethat the biggest,and most
beautiful nest in BaltimoreCity does not includegentrification,displacement,or a
private policeforce, but increasedaccessto healthcare,donationsto community
land trusts, and support for restorativejustice. Comejoin us in buildingit.

Hopkins & ICE:
Bonus Episode

Started in 2009, Johns Hopkins's partnership with
ICEincludes over ten million dollars in contracts in
exchangefor ICE-specific and leadership training.

Hopkins describes it as a "cooperative relationship," intended to "support the
ICEmission, strategic goals, [...] and contribute to measurableoutcomes and
results." But when 60% of ICE'sbudget funds Enforcement and RemovalOperations-amounting to 2 billion dollars in the 2018 fiscal year-it becomeslikelier
and likelier that those "measurableoutcomes and results" are the number of
families detained, deported, and separated from their children.
Housed in the Division of Public Safety Leadershipof the School of Education,
these degree granting programs are being discontinued,and will end with the
cohort graduation in 2019.
We shouldn't have to wait that long. On July 7, a Hopkins community member
releaseda petition demanding the end of this collaboration. By July 22, it had
gained over 1000 signatures, and four media outlets had picked up the story.
Hopkinslovesto portray itself as an ally to immigrants,releasingstatements-3
in the past year- in favor of DACAand in oppositionto Trump'stravel ban. But it's
almost as if supporting immigrantsand entering into a financialexchangewith the
organizationthat endangerstheir livelihoodsare, well, mutuallyexclusive.Onehasto
wonder: does 'support' meananything in the administration'svocabulary?

militarization of the university
The Applied Physics Lab (APL) is a Johns Hopkins affiliated research lab. The
APL holds million and billion dollar contracts with the CIA and the Department
of Defense, including the Navy and the Air Force. Through these contracts, the
APL builds bombs and drones that kill innocent civilians, develops surveillance
technology that is used to surveil civilians and leftist movements (particularly
those led by Black and Indigenous peoples), and generally facilitates the US
government's invasion, destabilization, and destruction of other countries.
Over the years, the APL has earned the nickname " Death Lab." Multiple protests against the weapons research have been staged at both at the APL itself
and on the Homewood campus since the lab's founding .
Historically, the APL has been on the side of violent American imperialism and
has pursued newer and better ways to kill people. The APL:
> developed missiles for the Korean War
> performed an instrumentation study on the first hydrogen bomb

test in 1952
> formed a working group to aid the US naval forces engaged in

combat operations in the Gulf of Tonkin during the Vietnam War
devised air combat technology and techniques to be explicitly used
in the Vietnam War
> developedan AutolD system which was used in the drug war in
Latin America and in Operation Desert Shield
> was instrumental in the development of the Strategic Defense
Initiative, RonaldReagan's later abandoned"Star Wars" program
A fun bonus example:Former JHU President LincolnGordon (comingoff of his
tenure as Ambassadorto Brazil, during which he supported an anti-democratic
coup that created a brutal military government) even issuedformal statements
supporting the APL'.smilitary researchamidst anti-Vietnam War protests. On
December13,1968 the University and the Navy issueda statement regardingthe
APL which read in part: "the missionof the Laboratory is to provide,within the
contractual authority provided by the Navy,support of specific Navy and other
This distinguishedJHU from other universities,such as Cornell,MIT,Columbia,
and Stanford,which were severingtheir ties with defense-related researchlaboratories in the face of the anti-war movement.
Let's not forget that this war, includedroutine destruction of crops by US forces,
which led to famines among US "allies." This was not particularly secret. On top
of that, USforces committed indiscriminatemassacresof Vietnamesecivilians,
often as direct policy.Estimates range in the tens to hundredsof thousands.By
actively arming the US,the APL was and still is complicit in its war crimes.
Today,the APL continuesthis history through a staggering amount of contracts
with the military, most notably involvingthe developmentof nuclearweapons
and drones. The Johns Hopkins University missionis to "foster independent
and original researchand to bring the benefits of discoveryto the world." With
the APL'.ssecret researchprojects, the "benefits" of which includedrone strikes
and other war crimes,we are left to question how seriouslyHopkins takes its
university mission.

Race on Campus:
From the Black Student Union
During the spring of 2015, our campus,usually stilled by the constant stress
of academicsand deadlines,was rattled by the Baltimore Uprising. On April 19,
2015, Freddie Gray suffered a fatal spinal cord injury following his arrest by the
Baltimore City Police Department (BPD). The emotions surrounding this tragedy
amongst the students of the Black Student Union (BSU) mirrored those of the
city of Baltimore. Many students were angry and scared, and wanted some sort
of accountability on the part of the BPD,who are not exactly renowned for
their lawful practices. Many of us know what transpired within the city during
that time and have differing interpretations of who did what, when they did it,
and why. We wanted to use this little blurb to explain how it went down from
inside our Hopkins Bubble.

It feels like Hopkins administrators breathe a sigh of relief when the summer
comesaround. During the schoolyear,students consistently put pressureon the
administration in efforts to improvethe quality of student life. Then,just like that,
we're gone: away on vacation, abroad for an internship,or in a lab doing research.
Given the unrest that engulfed the school during the spring semester,they
certainly hoped that the summer break would be what our campus needed
to return to "normal". But for students of color, there was no more "normal".
There was no more "Forever a BLUEJay" becauseit was clear that at the end
of the day,we were Black. There was no coming back from the realization that
your fellow peers, professors, and administrators saw you as less than them.
The other.
The other, worthy of being considered a student at JHU on paper, but somehow
unworthy of being treated like a student in reality. How does a Black student

come back to an institution that merely sees
their presenceon campus
as a diversity statistic?
It just wasn't the same
for students of color
anymore and we were not
going to let the administration think otherwise.
So... we pulled up.

l Yr>l)NCA C.k'.


We realized that in the
BSU students at Fall 2015 protest
wake of Freddie Gray's
passing, our campus was one of many dealing with underlying racial turmoil.
The BSU decided to come together in solidarity with the anti -racism strug gle at the University of Missouri by staging a protest in the Fall of 2015.
Up until that point, we had struggled to get the administration to listen to
us. We needed to be strategic and voice our thoughts when they would be
the loudest. And what could be heard louder and clearer than the sound of
money flying out the window? To Hopkins, not a damn thing.
We realized that in the wake of Freddie Gray'spassing,our campus was one of
many dealing with underlying racial turmoil. The BSUdecided to come together
in solidarity with the anti-racism struggle at the University of Missouri by staging a protest in the Fall of 2015. Up until that point, we had struggled to get the
administration to listen to us. We needed to be strategic and voice our thoughts
when they would be the loudest. And what could be heard louder and clearer
than the sound of money flying out the window? To Hopkins, not a damn thing.
The BSUgot wind of a commercialshoot (that would definitely be expensiveto
re-record) happeningoutside of Gilman,where President Danielshimself would
be making an appearance.A perfect opportunity to strike. With hand-made posters, we interrupted the commercialand presentedadministrators with a list of

1. We demand a public address to be held by the administration (including but not limited to President Ron Daniels, Provost Lieberman, Provost Shollenberger, and the Board
of Trustees) to The Johns Hopkins community in which President Ron Daniels will announce an explicit plan of action detailing how the following demands will be instated.
2. We demand that The Johns Hopkins University creates and enforces mandatory cultural
competency in the form of a semester long class requirement for undergraduate students
as well as training for faculty and administration.
3. We demandthat the Centerfor AfricanaStudiesbe recognizedas a Department.
4. We demand an increase in the number of full-time Black faculty members, both in the
Center for Africana Studies and throughout other departments within the institution.
Moreover,we demand equal representation of self -identifying men, women, and nonbinary Black individuals within these positions.
5. We call on The Johns Hopkins University Krieger School of Arts & Sciencesto support
the hiring of faculty concernedwith the history, culture, and political position of peoples
of African descent. Callsfor diversifying faculty are important, but equally crucial is attracting faculty whose work creates a scholarly community dedicated to Africana studies.
6. We demandaccountabilityfor peers, faculty, and staff who target Black students both
inside of and outside of the classroom.Attending to such situations must transition from
a passiveemail sent to the student body,to an active stance taken against racial intolerance by the administration. Perpetrators that aim to make Blackstudents uncomfortable
or unsafe for racial reasonsmust complete additional diversity training and face impactful
repercussionsfor their actions.
7. We demanda transparent five year plan from The Johns HopkinsUniversityOffice of UndergraduateAdmissionsregardingthe welcomingof and retention of Blackstudents.We demand
black bodiesbe removedfrom diversity marketingcampaignsuntil Hopkins addressesthe low
quality of life here that many Blackstudents experienceand the problemswith retaining Black
students all four undergraduateyears and then takes the necessarysteps to resolvethem.
8. We demand more Black professorswithin the Women,Genderand Sexuality program to
add a new dimension to the Department on intersectionality and inclusivity that is currently
being neglected and ignored.

Because of our efforts, Daniels agreed to participate in a Race Forum. This forum provided the community with a chance to ask pressing questions regarding
race at Hopkins. But we weren't afforded a transparent experience. All of our
questions had to be submitted prior to the forum to allot the president ample
time to formulate his response. It felt ... calculated. Though this forum was a

step in the right direction, it left a great deal more to be desired.
As the months went on, we awaited Hopkins' responseto our detailed demands.
Finally,in the Spring of 2016, administration unveiled their forty -one page reply:
The Roadmapon Diversity. (Spoiler! It was a major let down.)
Whilewe were appreciativeof administrators' efforts to improve diversity on
campus,we were critical of their plan of action. This document not only failed to
provide specific details on the initiatives proposed,but it also neglectedto answer
some of the most pressingdemandsthat were brought forth in 2015.And, in all
forty -one pages,the document did not once use the word "racism" or acknowledge the harsh, racist environmentthat led to the forum in the first place.
The university releasedanother draft of the document in the Fall of 2016 which
improved by using the word "racism" a total of 3 times in the new 85 page
document and included more details on its proposed initiatives. However,all the
talk of "review" and "best practices" fail to address what the BSUsought for
back in 2015: a critical and substantive responseto systemic racism on campus.
For structural changeto occur,administratorsmust actively acknowledgethat Hopkins is a predominantlywhite institution that was foundedby and for white men.
Whileprogressivestrides havebeenmade,whitenessis still the default setting for
manyof the academicdepartmentsand centersat this university.The Roadmaps'
focus on diversity is noble,but a catchytitle is not enough.Weneeda concreteplan
to createa campusclimate in which all students,faculty,and staff feel valued.

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Johns Hopkins University & Medical Institutions comprise the largest
private employer in Maryland, with nearly 45,000 directly employed workers in Baltimore City. We emphasizedirectly employed becausethere have
been important struggles led by workers who are indirectly employed by
Hopkins-workers who don't count in official statistics.
What does it mean to be 'indirectly employed'? One of the key features
of twenty-first century economic change has been labor subcontracting.
Subcontracting is when a large company- in this case, Hopkins- does
not hire its workers, but instead enters into a contract with another
companywhich hires them on behalf of JHU. Proponents say subcontracting cuts costs and allows for greater specialization. But the reality is that
these arrangements allow Hopkins to push the responsibility of being an
employer onto other companieswhile reaping the rewards of workers'
labor. This allows institutions like Hopkins to circumvent labor laws, pay
lower wages, and deny benefits.
Youwill interact with these subcontractedemployeesevery day.At Homewood, they are the dining hall workers, the security guards,the bus drivers,
and the groundskeepers
. They are likely the peoplewith whom you will have
the most interaction and with whom you will forge strong, friendly relationships.They are also someof the most exploitedpeopleat the university.


• • In the late 1990s, Hopkins began to phase in subcontracting. A group


of student activists discoveredthat the company being contracted to
provide these workers, Broadway Services,was owned by a corporation
that JHU had created for the sole purpose of subcontracting workers
to JHU. Basically,Hopkins created a shell company that would hire its
workers. JHU would enter into contracts with the shell company,and the
shell company- not Hopkins- would be legally and politically responsible
for the workers' welfare and working conditions. This acrobatic legal maneuvering couldn't be more absurd- except that the Broadway Services
headquarters is located on the same campus as the medical institute.
At the sametime, there was a nation-wide pushfor the Living WageCam

paign.Studentsseizedon this momentumand teamed up with local labor unions
and communityorganizationsto form the Student-LaborAction Coalition(SLAC).
For severalyears,SLACstaged pro-worker actions againstthe universityadministration. Their slogan:"HopkinsCreatesPoverty."
In March 2000, SLAC
organized a massive
sit -in in Garland Hall.
It lasted 5 days and
received an outpouring of support from
community members.
Local businessesand
restaurants sent in
food and supplies
for the demonstrators, community organizations held rallies in solidarity, and
famous national
UNITEHEREcohort in Annapolis;DisplacementProtection Forum in 2017
activists either showed up or reachedout in support. Becauseof these actions,
the university eventually agreed to raise wages for all low-wage workers, both
direct and subcontracted employees.This was one of the first major victories of
the national Living Wage Campaign.But, unfortunately, it was one of the last for
workers at Hopkins.
Wagesstagnated and subcontracting continued apace.And in 2016, Hopkins
attempted to push unionized subcontracted security guards out by bringing in
a new, anti-union contractor: Broadway Services.The security guards had only
recently unionized with the Service EmployeesInternational Union (SEIU)and
were about to receive increased health care coverageas a result of their bargaining process.Hopkins' decision to push out the company-and the unionmeant losing jobs and healthcare for these workers.
The SEIUteamed up with Students for a Democratic Society (SOS)and the
Black Student Union (BSU) to campaign against Hopkins' decision.After a public
pressure campaign and a summer of petitioning, the administration acquiesced

to the coalition's demandsand renewed the contract with the union firm. This
major victory for subcontracted workers sparked a new wave of solidarity. The
food service workers' union (UNITEHERE),the Baltimore NAACPchapter, and
community organizations such as the Baltimore Housing Roundtablejoined
together with SOS,BSU,and SEIUto
re-start a new SLACcampaign.

Recent Labor
Struggles at Hopkins

2014:Directly employed
custodial workers at the
medical campus unionized
and demanded fair wages.
2016: Subcontracted security guards pressured Hopkins to
renew their contract with a union
firm, guaranteeing healthcare coverage. The Student Labor Action
Coalition reforms as a result
of the momentum.
2018: Nurses unionizing at Hopkins
hospital are facing a foul, vit riolic
ant i-union campaign from administ ration.

For the next two years, the SLACcampaign had three demandsfor subcontracted workers: a $15 minimum wage,
a housing subsidy program, and displaced worker protection- a guarantee
that, if Hopkins switched contractors,
the workers would keep their jobs at
the new middle-man firm .

The SLACcampaignwas ultimatelysuccessful.Whilenot all workers receiveda
$15 minimumwage and Hopkinsrejected
SLAC's displacedworkers' protection
proposal,the negotiationswon a wage
increasefor all workers,and the Baltimore City Councilpasseda city-wide
workers protection policy.This meant
that every subcontractedworker in Baltimore- includingthose at Hopkins- was
now guaranteeda job when corporations changedmiddle-man contractors.
Despite progress, Hopkins still creates poverty. We have many struggles ahead
against an administration that 's often more concernedwith the bottom-line
than with the people who live and work here. But the successof SLACat
Homewood proves that we have the power to change things for the better
when students and workers stand together in solidarity.

Dear new undergraduate


On behalf of Hopkins graduate
welcome to Hopkins! TRO is an organization
run by and for grads at the
In case you don't know yet who or what a grad
is, we're the people who:
1. Decrypt the incomprehensible
you will sit
2. Teach you how not to blow off your foot in the lab,
3. Work with you until
your essay is readable
4. Grade the 150 exams your class just turned in-and
with a 2-day turnaround!
By now, you're probably
our heroes and saviors!"
But that's
not all.
We actually do most of the research
at Hopkins, and the university even pays us for our timel Don't let any of that fool
you though-to
the administration,
this isn't
a job. What
do you call someone who does all that work? Not a worker,
apparently ...
Teachers and Researchers
United (TRU) was created
in 2013 to protect
and enhance the working conditions
grads at Hopkins. Time and again the Hopkins administration has made it clear that their
1 . High-paying
and ICE contracts,
2. Gentrifying
3. Alumni donations,
4. Tax evasion,
5. Onion busting,



the people

who actually

run the


TRU has protested
many of the ridiculous
the University
and through direct
even won some
gains! Although the Hopkins administration
likes to take
any and all credit
for improvements to the University,
we've had to fight for some pretty
basic changes. A big
one was health care. Grad students
lost their
health insurance if they took medical leave, went into thousands
of dollars
of debt if they got injured,
and lived with
238 cavities
because they couldn't
afford to go to the
And now these are (mostly) fixed!
In some ways, being a grad student
at Hopkins still
sucks. Sometimes grads have to drop out if they have a
child because they can't afford child care. Sometimes
we're harassed
by professors
because of our race/gender/
Sometimes the university
decides to nix our department
just 'cuz 1 •
And some grads

at Hopkins



have paid


You might be thinking,
Okay, that sucks, but what does
it mean for me? Well, we're basically
the ones who make
sure you get educated here. So next time you see your
TA looking tired,
just remember they might be having a
day because they have to work a second job, a
just published
a book taking credit
for their
or they still
afford that root canal.
And if you see them holding a sign in front
offer them a high five. our working conditions


·Ask a friend

We won't

wha t happened




of Garland,
are your

you hanging.


Cen t er.

the culture of sexual violence
To put it (more than) lightly, Hopkins has a problem with campus sexual violence.
About 1 in 4 female-identifying and 1 in 20 male-identifying students experience
sexual assault while in college,and the unfortunate fact of the matter is that
Hopkins students are no exception to these statistics. In fact, at Hopkins, the
reporting rate is a low 3%, which means that administrators can falsely claim
that sexual violence is not an issue at Hopkins.
If you think that data is suspect, then check out the following examplesin
which students, not Hopkins, have supported survivors. In particular, the Sexual
Assault ResourceUnit (SARU) has led several successfulcampaignsto change
the campus culture around sexual assault.

After Secretaryof EducationBetsy Devosspearheadeda policychangethat
includedrepealof the the 2011DearColleagueLetter (DCL),SARUbeganan open
letter campaignin the fall of 2017demandingthat the Hopkinsadministration
promiseto upholdthe crucialprotectionsmandatedin the DCL.Theseprotections
included:usingthe preponderanceof evidencestandardof proof,ensuringcompletion of investigationswithin 60 days,offering interim measures,and barring mediation in sexualassaultinvestigations.The open letter garneredover 800 signatures,
and after months of meetings,the Provost's office sent out a letter to the student
body assuringus that these protectionswould remainin place.The JHU policyon
sexualassault,therefore,remainsunchanged.However,whether that policyand
its intentionsare consistentlyupheldis a more complicatedquestion.Problemslike
understaffingand a lack of transparencyand communicationwith students haveled
to problemswith the reporting processbeyondthe on-paper policy.

In spring 2018, The Johns Hopkins News-Letter published a pair of articles discussing the experiencesof eight different survivors who had gone through the
Office of Institutional Equity's (OIE)reporting process.The OIE is responsible

for "equal opportunity" at Hopkins, which means they work to prevent discrimination of any kind, including that based on gender, race, sexual orientation, and
disability. Title IX enforcement therefore falls under their jurisdiction.
The articles in the News-Letter revealed gross inadequaciesin the resources
availableto survivors who chose to report and the process' lack of transparency.Severalof them recounted that their investigations took far more than 60
days, that enforcement and implementation of interim measureswas extremely
inconsistent, and that they were not properly informed on the steps of the process and the resourcesavailableto them. The OIE responded to these stories
by pointing to the recent hiring of new investigators, increasesin funding over
the past few years, and the decision to release an annual report. The University
loves saying how it has doubled its staff since 2015 to a whopping 13 people.
That means that prior to 2015, there were only 6.5 people handling all reported
instances of sexual assault (and racism) at all 9 divisions of Hopkins. The
changesthat the administration touts can only be meaningful and substantial
if they are coupled with a willingness, on the part of the OIE,to actively listen
and respond to students' concerns and lived experiences.

In October2015,following the rise of publicawarenessregardingallegationsof
sexualassaultagainst Bill Cosby,SARUadvocatedalongsideLili Bernardfor Hopkins
to rescindCosby'shonorarydegree,awardedin 2004. Bernardis both the parent of
a Hopkinsstudent and one of the womenwho accusedCosbyof rape.In response
to this pressure,as well as pressurefrom other peer institutions, Hopkinsreleased
a statement that they were "actively reviewing"-though not rescinding- the
degree becausethey "exercisegreat care and deliberationin awardingan honorary degreeand would do so in the event of revokingone." Therewas no further
movementfrom the Boardof Trustees,despite investigationand continuedefforts
on behalf of SARU,student survivors,and Bernard.Hopkinsignored,sidelined,and
disvaluedthe requestsof Hopkins-affiliated survivors.
On April 26, 2018, in responseto Cosby'sguilty verdict and conviction on three
counts of felony aggravated indecent assault, Hopkins announcedthat its Board

of Trustees revoked the degree. Though this was a necessary and important
step, JHU's decision to ignore the advocacy efforts of SARU, Bernard's account,
and support from other students/alumni, and to believe only a guilty conviction, indicates their disbelief of survivors. Such action supports the narrative
that pressing legal charges is the only way for survivors to be believed and
undermines Hopkins' supposed support of its own survivors who do not want to
pursue that legal process.

One of the most common protections that Hopkins can put in place for
survivors is to issue no-contact orders . These orders are intended to prevent
further harassment during the reporting process and to prevent a perpetrator
from making a survivor feel unsafe. The job of enforcing no-contact orders falls
to campus safety and security. However, security officers often are not aware
of who has an order against them, meaning that they are unable to intercede
should it be violated. This puts the burden of enforcing a no-contact order on
the survivor, which can often only be done retroactively by reporting violations
to security. Consequently, one of the most common measures that Hopkins
uses to protect survivors is largely ineffective. Other interim measures such as
changing class sections or housing are inconsistently provided, but often come
with a no-contact order which still requires enforcement by security to be fully
effective. If security is inconsistent with or ignorant of the need for enforcement, these protections fail at ensuring the safety of survivors on campus .

Resources orsur1vors
& allies


Local, non-Hopkins
affiliated resources

Doesnotofferrapekits,butcanprovidemedicalcarefor minorinjuriesandSTDtesting

in StationNorth(1800N Charles
#404)andin Towson
Houseof RuthII24-hourhotline(410)8897884IIMaintelephone(410)889-0840
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I(410)516- IIOffice(410)234-0030
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nt IIEmergency
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for more info, visit
jhusaru.wordpress .com/ resources


The State
of Mental
Health at

It's undeniable.The weekly onslaught of projects, papers
and midterms combined with a pressure cooker-like
academicatmosphere and some seemingly indifferent
professors can leave many students struggling with their
mental health during their time here at Hopkins.

We all gained a better understanding of the crucial need
to address mental health on campus following the release of the Final Report
released by Task Force on Student Mental Health and Wellbeinglast February.
This Task Forceof students and faculty and staff was called forth in March of
2016 following the unexpected resignation of the Student GovernmentAssociation's Executive President who cited struggles with his mental health as his
reason for stepping down.
This final report includesdata collectedfrom 2,260 out of 16,014students. The
findings are bleak. Despite Hopkins insisting that we are not unique for our struggles with mental health, the data says otherwise. Of the respondents,28.5%felt
overwhelmed"very often" comparedto 23.7% at Ivy leaguesand 24.4% among
peer institutions. The top 5 reasonsstudents at Hopkins sought treatment at the
CounselingCenter were anxiety,depression,academicstress, suicidalthoughts/
behavior,and social problems;59% of CounselingCenter attendees cited these as
their reasonsfor seeking treatment. Close
to30%of undergraduates
. The report also
finds that these struggles are also disportionately found among students with
financial hardship,students of color,LGBTQ+students, among other marginalized
At this stage, Hopkins is in dire need of resourcesto support its student body.
Two free resourcesit points to are A Placeto Talk (APTT),a student group
focused on providing nonjudgmentalpeer counseling,as well as the Counseling
Centerwhich has a staff of professionaltherapists. The CounselingCenter itself
is woefully understaffed. Accordingto its website, there are only 16 psychologists
and 6 psychiatrists serving a body of around 8,000 students. As a result, those
eligible for servicesare rarely able to scheduleappointments for more frequently

than every two weeks. Additionally,becausethe CounselingCenter is not structured to accommodatelong-term treatment, students are left to find consistent
or long-term treatment from outside providers,which can be expensive,difficult
to find, and generallyinaccessible.
Whilethe CounselingCenter providesidentity-based support services,such as
one for students of color, LGBTQ
+ students, and Asian/Asian-Americanstudents,
there are limitations to the treatment and those seeking to attend are pressed
to commit their time every week. Many existing staff at the CounselingCenter
work extremely hard to meet student needs,yet there is still a lack of diversity
among its membersand an undeniablelack of resourcesto provide sufficient
care to the increasingnumber of students students who demandit.
The final report also strikingly revealsthat Hopkins faculty and staff vary
wildly in terms of their level of understanding of both the resourcesavailable
to students and how to compassionatelyand effectively work with students
who are struggling. Currently,faculty and staff receive one single annual email
from the Provost and Senior Vice President for finance and administration to
learn how to address student mental health among other issues like allegations of sexual assault and harassment. Hopkins also offers trainings and
workshops but they are optional and poorly attended, likely only by professors
who already understand the importance of students' mental health.
The final report concludedwith a seriesof recommendationsthat centeredaround
increasingpeople'sawarenessof and accessto current resourcesand promoting
a more supportiveenvironment.How these recommendationsare actuallyimplementedlie in the power of senior Universityofficials like
Students may contact
PresidentDanielsand the Boardof Trustees.
It is important that students are active and persistent in
advocatingfor improvedmental health servicesand that
we all look out for one another over the courseof the
year.It's okay to not be okay.It's not okay to think that
no one cares.

the HopkinsCounseling
Centerat (410) 5168278. Dial 1 to reacha
counseloron-call. For
emergencies,call 911or
HomewoodSecurity at

disability rights 101
Despite Hopkins' reputation as one of the top medical institutions, the univer sity has frequently disregarded its disabled students. Want to get to class or
to the library? Steep stairs and broken elevators ensure that you won 't, in a
reasonable amount of time - if at all.
Beyond Homewood campus' physical inaccessibility, students with a range of
disabilities struggle to thrive on at a university that doesn't support our existence. Professors rarely understand the importance of disability accommodations. The Counseling Center often turns away students for challenges that are
more complex or that need longer-term support . Events on campus frequently
fail to provide any accessibility information . Student Disability Services (SOS)
receives far too few resources to serve disabled students . Rarely mentioned in
the context of diversity, disability is misunderstood and ignored.
Advocates for Disability Awareness (ADA), an organization led by disabled
students, has been working to improve disability rights at Hopkins. In spring
of 2018, Dr. Brent Mosser, Director of SOS and our biggest ally on campus, was
fired . It was a watershed moment . We could no longer accept the administra tion 's unfulfilled promises to enact change with our best interests at heart. For
too long, we had been an underserved, invisible minority, but we decided to
speak out. We demanded immediate reforms that guarantee our rights, provide
us the services we require, and empower students with disabilities to succeed
at this university.
After circulating a petition that received more than 650 signatures and organizing a protest to demand that the administration hear our voices-the voices
of disabled students-we
succeeded in pushing Hopkins to take action. ADA
leaders and representatives of the administration met several times to create
bridges of communication, discuss the nuances and details of our demands, and
hold Hopkins accountable to fulfilling them well and by their deadlines.

As of July 2018, Hopkins made several changes,each of which we had directly
called for:

The search committee for a new director of SOS(who was
hired) included ADA leaders.
The office was moved to the Mattin Center to create a larger,
more accessiblespace with room for silent testing and a community gathering area.
The CounselingCenter is working to hire an ADHDspecialist
so that students with ADHDwill no longer be turned away,in
addition to restructuring their schedulingsystem so that students can have a same-day appointments rather than waiting
multiple weeks for an intake or follow up.
The university is adding disability information to diversity
trainings at both the student and faculty levels.
Sociology courses will (finally) include content about disability,
with a potential new Sociology of Disability Courseto be offered in fall 2019.

All these changes?They are a direct result of student-led efforts.
We will continue to fight to ensure that the rest of the demands are met and to
address the needs of students with disabilities at Johns Hopkins. A complete
list of the demandsof Advocates for Disability Awarenesscan be found here:
Xf4nGQMx9_4 _2_AhllsTGd120CpWctMr/

[If you have questions about how to get involved with ADA or
how to get accommodations,feel free to reach out to us at jhu.
ada@gmail.comor through out Facebookpage,
advocatesfordisabilityawareness.You can request accommodations through https://studentaffairs.jhu .edu/disabilities/.]

Generallyregarded as a forward-thinking institution, one might expect Hopkins
to follow through with its statements about fighting climate change. But the
millions of dollars Hopkins has invested in fossil fuel companiestell a different
story than the one the university promotes.
Fossilfuel divestment is a simple and effective campaign.The ask is for
Hopkins to sell all its stock in fossil fuel companiesas a way to show the public
that continuing to invest in a fossil fuel-dependent future is an unsustainable practice. Divestment is a symbolic act more than anything else; Hopkins'
share in these companiesis minimal compared to both the university's and the
companies' overall finances. Yet it is a strategy that activists have successfully
implemented in the past, in the campaignsto end South African Apartheid and
tobacco investment. Nelson Mandelaeven publicly commendedUC Berkeley's
actions of divestment as monumental to ending apartheid.
For over six years, undergraduate and graduate students in Refuel Our Future
have been organizing for Hopkins to divest from all fossil fuel companieslisted
on the Carbon Underground200TM_
In December2015, they submitted a proposal to the Public Interest Investment Advisory Committee (PIIAC),a group of
advisors that makes investment recommendationsto the Board of Trustees at
JHU. PIIACreopened for the first time since tobacco divestment in the 1990s to
hear requests after students pressured the university to convenethe committee again.
Refuel members continued public pressure by staging a demonstration in November 2016, and the Provost responded by organizing a panel about fossil fuel
divestment in April 2017.
In September 2018, PIIACreleasedtheir recommendationfor full divestment
from fossil fuel companiesin both direct and commingled funds, based on Refu-

el's proposal and their independent research. This was huge-their recommendations for divestment were robustly defended and advocated for strong action
against university investment in fossil fuel companies.
However, in December 2018, Board of Trustees announced proudly that they
would divest only from companies who earned 35% or more of their revenue
from thermal coal production.

Thiswas not a win for fossilfuel divestment.
More than anything, it was a publicity stunt for Hopkins. With this announcement, the university could join the ranks of other institutions that have chosen
to divest without taking much action at all. Millions of Hopkins dollars are still
invested in fossil fuels, and we fail to make any other commitment to sustain able actions beyond making some relatively insignificant infrastructure changes.
We can't green our campus without greening our portfolio-to
do so is to fight
the symptoms instead of the cause.
We also fail our surrounding community by not taking stronger climate
action. Baltimore City joined several
other cities in suing fossil fuel companies in July 2018, citing negligence
and failure to act against climate
change that has deeply affected many
communities. In Baltimore, marginal ized communities continue to face
the worst effects of climate change.
Investing in fossil fuels is a misuse of
power-and once again fails to align
with Hopkins' supposedly public serving initiatives.


on our plates?

Imaginea plate of food in front of you. What's on it?
Think about where eachof these things camefrom. What were the steps and
processesthat brought cubesof fried tofu or chickenbreast to your plate?The cup
of soda next to you?
The people,processes,and power that brought food from seedto plate can collectively be describedas our food system- a complexweb of economic,cultural,
and personalfactors that contribute to how we produce,consume,and conceptualize food. The history of the modernfood system is linkedto colonialism,slavery,
commodificationof land, water, seed,and other forms of exploitation.Manyof the
foundationsof our modernfood system, like those of other systemshere in the US,
were built on racism.
Foodis and historicallyhas largelybeenpicked,processed,and preparedby black
and brown peopleboth in the USand abroad.Immigrantand migrant laborerscurrently comprisethe majority of farmworkers in the US. Blackfamilieshavefaced
generationsof land loss through brokenpromises,trickery, and economicdisenfranchisement.
Thesemarginalizedpopulationscontribute the most labor in
the food systemand face the worst health
effects. In Baltimore,manycommunities
of color live in "food deserts" or
"HealthyFoodPriority Areas." It is
no accidentthat these areastend to
havehigh concentrationsof poverty.
Wemight better think of these patterns
as a reflection of food apartheidintentionallycreated inequity basedon racial
and economicdivisions.The conversationabout
equalaccessto food cannot be completewithout a

discussionon equalaccessto fertile land,cleanwater,or seeds.
Yet, our universities consistently sign contracts with large food corporationswho
chooseto prioritize profits at the cost of public health, people,and the environment. About 70% of collegesand universities outsource their dining servicesto
another contracted provider; 92% of those schoolsare served by just 3 corporations: Aramark, Sodexo,and CompassGroup.
Hopkins ended its contract to Aramark and signed onto Bon Appetit Management
Company(the friendly sustainability" aka greenwashedarm of CompassGroup)
back in 2012 after the University signed the RealFood Commitment.The Commitment promisesthat we will source 35% of our campusdining food from real
sourcesby 2020, meaningfood that is local/community-based,ecologicallysound,
fair, and/or humane.

This was a move in the right direction-reallocating the hundredsof thousandsof
dollars we spend on food annuallyat Homewoodto smaller producersfocused on
sustainability and fair treatment of workers and animalshas provided economic
opportunity for smaller businessesto grow.
But meeting this commitment faces a number of challenges.Decisionsunderscoring product shifts are still informed by bottom lines and by company-to -company
kickbacks,which are essentiallyagreementsbetween a food service buyer and a
companythat incentivizespurchasingproduct from one companyin exchangefor
cash rebates back to the food service company.
Other university and food companyinvolvementcomesin the form of "pouring
rights." Pepsihas pouring rights over our school,meaningHopkins receivedperks
like a new RecCenter,free soda cans for student organizations,and, more than
likely,a large financial donation,so that Pepsicould exclusiverights to beverage
sales.That meansthey get the opportunity to advertise their brand to thousands
of Hopkinsaffiliates every day as they continuetheir abusivelabor practices.
The food system is complexand rife with injustices! Let's not forget that.

Power Mapping



Besides being a meme, RonnieD is also our University's President!
creating strategic plans for Hopkins , answering to the
Board of Trustees , allocating resourcesand funds
around Hopkins, posing for cute photo ops with
people of color.
Jasesalary:$1.3 million in 2015 (the most
recently listed year) or the 30th -highest-paid
private university president in the 2015 or
about 24 years of tuition

•Tripling- and then doubling- tuition at the University of Toronto's law school(where he was Dean)
•Hiring a lot of bureaucratic administrators with
unclear job descriptions
•The strategic Ten by(?) Twenty Mission- 10 vagueishgoalsto reachby
2020 (#4 is to literally be top 10)
•Not funding the annual "President's Day of Service," even though it's
named after his position
•Being from Canada!He has a moose in his office.
-Notable Quote: "This is an enlightened form of self-interest." -- On
the University's "East Baltimore Development Initiative"

WhilePresidentDanielsis the friendly face of the Universitythat we see the
most often, the real power lies with those who meet in the fanciest rooms
aroundcampus:the Boardof Trustees. Theyare chargedwith "guard[ing]the
university's integrity to ensurethat it fulfills the purposesfor which it was
established,and to preserveand augmentits physicaland financialassets." Basically,they want Hopkinsto makemoneyand look nice - a truly noble goal for

the 40ish sort-of -well-intentionedmostly rich white guys who havethe honor
of beinga "Trustee." If you want anythingsubstantialdone at this school,get
these folks on your side.
It's kind of hard to googleall these people,but here is a highlight reel of some
of their accomplishments:
•ExtendingRonnieD'scontract until 2024 and decidinghis salary
• 19of them work in financeor "venture capital" or as investorsor...
whateverother synonymouswords apply.Thesepeopleare reallyusefulfor a
schoolthat wants to "augmentits physicaland financialassets."
•TrusteeMayoShattuck Ill (great name,by the way) is the Chairmanfor
ExelonCorp,an energycompanywith holdingsin fossil fuels. Did he recuse
himself from the fossil fuel divestmentvote?Westill don't know!
•TrusteeWilliamMiller Ill gave $75 millionto the philosophydepartment,
which is genuinelypretty cool.




ProvostSunilKumaroverseesall of the University's academicand research
programs,alongwith BeverlyWendland(Deanof Krieger) and Ed Schlesinger
(Deanof the Whiting).Academicdepartment funding, Homewoodlab resources,
and academicsupport systemsare in their hands.Bewareof petty bureaucracy
and interdepartmentalpoliticswhen engaging.

Vice Provostfor StudentAffairs KevinShollenbergeris one of the best dressed
administratorson campus.He,alongwith the folks in his office (Homewood
StudentAffairs), are in chargeof all aspectsof student life outside of academics
- career services,housing,dining,student groups,mental health,etc. The Dean
of Student Life will not be namedin this documentas there has beena revolving
door of Deanswho cometo this schoolfor a coupleof years until they find a
higher payingjob at another school.

VP OF co~ ~~Ur!ICATIOr!S




They try to makethe schoollook good evenwhen the schooldoes bad. Blurring
the lines between"news" and "PRpropaganda,"these peopleportray Hopkins
through a rose-coloredlens.If you are askedto be in one of their "articles," be
careful of how they representyou.

Beyondgiving us grades,our professorsare often interestedin socialissuestoo.
Somemay makecondescendingremarksabout your campaign(talk to Refuel
our Futureabout this one), but others may provideenormouslybeneficialadvice
Keepin mind that how vocalthey are may dependon their tenure status: A department chair can afford to take more risks than a professorwho just started
their first job.

There are big donors (MichaelBloomberg)and there are smalldonors (alumni
who are harassedby the Hopkinscall center).Specifically,MichaelBloomberg
has donatedover a billiondollarsto Hopkins,which is more than any other
single donor ever.With this influence,he hasan outsizedsay in the way his
dollarsare put to work and can strongly sway everythingfrom what the campu
physicallylooks like to what researchgets funded (andwhat doesn't).




Look for peoplewho might be sympatheticto your cause.Look for peoplewho
haveconflicts of interest (hey,MayoShattuck Ill). It's helpful to know where
we, as students,fit in this convolutedhierarchyof Universitystakeholdersand
decisionmakers- especiallywhen callingfor changeat this school.Getting
informed is the first part of the battle!

More in Baltimore:
Baltimore Brew
Baltimore Sun
Baltimore Fishbowl
Real News Network
The Johns Hopkins News-Letter
A *limited sampling*of the hundreds of community organizations doing incredible work in Baltimore city. Ask around , go to the Center for Social Concern, or do
some research to find out more!

Baltimore Ceasefire: peace campaign for the city
Baltimore Redevelopment Action Coalition for
Empowerment (BRACE):community group working for fair development

Black Food Sovereignty: Black Church Food Security Network, Black Yield Institute

*Farm Alliance: 1O+ community farms
*FORCE Baltimore: creative activist collaboration
focused on upsetting rape culture

Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle: grassroots ,
policy think-tank

SEIU 1199: national healthcare union, MD branch
Unite Here Local 7: Maryland food service
workers ' union that some Hopkins' subcontracted
employees are part of

*United Workers: human rights organization;
healthcare , living wage, affordable housing cam•

*29th Street Community Center: neighborhood
space for recreational and educational activities
serving North Central Baltimore

K~~p fil](l}~y~ ©Yt
Advocates for Disability
Black Student Union
Diverse Sexuality and Gender
Hopkins Feminists
Refuel Our Future
Real Food at Hopkins
Sexual Assault Resource Unit
Students Against Private
Students for a Democratic
Students for Justice in
Students for Environmental

*These organizations are often looking for volunteers. Working with them is the perfect way to
learn about Baltimore and to support community -led proj ects and movements.

Sorry if this made you sad. Here's a
cute pup to cheer you up.
(p.s. remember to read & keep, share with a
friend, and if none of those sound enticing to
you, at least recycle.)

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