The Disorientation Guide at UCSC 2012 (UC Santa Cruz)


Current View


The Disorientation Guide at UCSC 2012 (UC Santa Cruz)




Santa Cruz, California


extracted text





You have in your hands a mass of paper and ink, research and analysis, love and
rage, compiled wirh the intention of reshaping parts of your world. Like many
or.her disorientation projects, we are inspired to do our work by the often massive
gap between the official, public face of our university and its true life and history.
We aim ro air its dirty past-especially when it lives on in the present-and
celebrate its joyful moments of freedom. We aim to help inspire our readers to
take active part in our public university, to l1elp empower them with an awareness
of the many faces of UC Santa Cruz, of what it has been, what it is, and what it
could be. The following guide is part radical local history, part alternative resource
guide, and part introduction to ongoing struggles.

Here are some things you might want
to l<eepin mind while you read:

Don't feel overwhelmed. The guide is
not meant to be read straight through.

The guide is not necessarily

This is in no way a complete

There is simply too much in it to be able

in the correct order because


th e UC

to process one article after another.

there isn't one. None of the

system or anything else we

Take your time , flip to a section th at

issues discussed are self-

discuss. It is simply part

sounds good, and really think about it


of a much larger body of

for a few hours, days, or as long as it

thoughts and ideas.

takes before starting another.

Ideas, problems,

and philosophies all overlap.


If yo u come acro ss an unfamiliar wo rd , scroll
to t he Glossary (p. 75 ).

Educatio n in Crisis
Know Your Regents
The UC and War: Demilit arizing the University



An Intro duction to White Privilege

From Mortgages to Student Loans: A Tale of Two Bubbles
Crisis and Capitalism
Libertar ianism: A Crit ique

Critical Race & Ethnic Studies



Prison in our Hearts : What is t he PIC
Violence and Strategy in Protest



Quebec Student Strikel
Five Theses on t he Student Strike
Meetin gs, Consensus, & Participato ry Democracy


Homelessness in SC
An Incomplete Ohlone History
Timel ine of Local Activ ism
DIY Santa Cruz

Occupy Wall Street: One Year Late r
Occupy Everyt hing: On Building Occupat ions
Union Organizing



Yes please: Consent




Queer l

Sustainability Disoriented

Social Policing and Queer Resistance

How to Go Green (and undermine capitalism) in 3 easy stepsl
Long Range Development Plan

What is Student Media7
Meet the Authors
Recommendatio ns
Meet the Authors





-- @


























isorientation isn't just a catchy pun , another co,nmunity to"vard creating a genuinely democratic,
flashy ploy to catch your attent ion as you navigate econon1ically just, and environmenta lly sane world.
your ne"v university scene, yo ur new to"vn, and
your ne"v social possibilities. As you read through these
pages and learn more about various justice issues and
campus-co nnect ed activist organizations, think about
disorientation as a process of reflection and action.
If yo u were to go down to Pacific Avenue and
Ask yourselfsome questions:
ask random window shoppers ,vhat a young person
What is a university education? How does a university should do in order to learn about the world, nine
education, and the institutional complex itself , fit out of ten people would tell you : go to schoo l. In
into the larger social order? What do I think about our culture, learning is associated with schooling. To
this social order, and how do I want to particip ate obtain knowledge is to obtain degrees. TI1e higher your
in it, both in my years here at UCSC and beyond ? grades, the more competent your knowledge. In 1nany
A fundan1ental assumption of the disorientation ,vays, certified schools are seen to have a monopoly on
perspective, a perspective that by no means I ,vant learning. This is not an illusion , schools are strategically
to portr ay as uniform, is that universities, not just organized to serve this function. TI1ey literally define,
UCSC, offer a particular orientation to,vard reality- a produce , and reproduce knowledge. None of thi s is
world view of sor ts. TI1isessay offers some reflections on particularly groundbreaking, but let us think t,vice
this worldvie,v, asking 1nore questions than providing about the consequences and contradict ion s of these
ans"vers. Needless to say, universities differ considerab ly cultural assu1nptions. If schoo l is a place to learn about
in their culture, student bodies, faculty, and articulated the world, why is it designed to remove students fro,n
missions. This essay is less about such differences and the daily activity of their co,nmunity - in some cases
more about assu1nptions built into th e degree-oriented for up to 25 years? This ,nay be less evident in college
process of university schooling . Like"vise, if you. believe than in high school or middle school, but by the time
that in the act of practicing critique we are always ,ve hit UCSC, this aspect of the hidden curriculum has
simultaneously suggesting strat egies for change, thi s been well-ingrained: authority and knowledge lie "vith
essay is also about how we can help direct the collective the "experts" and the policies and books they produce.
creativity, intelligenc e, and will of this campus Similarly , "ve ,night ask: If schoo l is designed to foster




independent thought , then v,hy does all our work achieve questions and practices that resist a complacent acceptance of
validati on through grading - a process by which one's v,ork is the sta tus quo social order.
One cornerstone of the US social order is a severe
1neasured against predetennined content and fonn ?
In short, I believe th at most schooling processes operate stratifica tion of wealth. Despite this, many will clai1n that any
on an upside-do,vn conception of learning. The best way to analysis referring to structural racism and econo1nic inequality
explain this is through example. TI1ink about the last time you is just trying to breed hatred and division - as if division needs
watched kids under five do what they do. In 1ny experience,
breeding in a country where the ,vealthiest 1% is responsible
what they do is try to figure out everythin g and anything in for 60% of the nation's incon1e (Boles, 2011 ). While the
sight, which is one way of saying that
gap benveen the business elite and
we are a deeply curious , learningth e average working American has
oriented species . If this is so, why
,videned exponen tially in the past few
then do the great majority of students,
decades, the inequality bet';veen those
,vho own and those who labor is not
who were once so relentlessly curious,
yearn to get out of school? I believe
new in the US. Economic inequality
one answer to this question lies in
existed in the colon ial period. But
,vhat has historically made th e US a
understanding how school inverts
the learning process. Rather than
so-called exception has been that this
11.2.3 S 8 I'.32.1't 14 l Io !l
create a sett ing where young people
dilference has not been understood as
can explore their cunos 1ty, most
a product of inheritance and political
rule (feudalism) but rather as a result
schools are set up to ensure that
of hard ,vork on the part of the
curricula in a predetermined pro cess
individual. An ai1n of the bourgeois
of schedu led courses and assign1nents.
democratic project has always been
Interesting ly enough, the higher you
to maintain property relations that
climb the schoo ling hierarchy, the
serve the rich wh ile creating a popular
1nore apparent choice you have in
belief that suggests anyone who ,vorks
determining the direction of your
hard enough can make it big in this
country. Yet th e "rags-to-ric hes"
exploration. But to what degree have
our curiosi ties, or desires, our political
scenario is extreme ly rare. One might
and social imagination , been trained
say that the exceptions, from Andrew
by the time you roll into UCSC? TI1e
Carnegie to Ice Cube , in some ways
act of disorientation is about exploring
have bolstered the imaginative rule.
such questions.
One way this contradiction
Writers who think about the
berv.1een the dominant myth of
relationship between schooling and
meritocracy and the reality of classcapitalism frequently point out that the process by wh ich a based , racist , and gendered inequality is perpetuated is throu gh
young person becomes accuston1ed to depending on schoo ls for cer tain beliefs about the US education system. In other words,
learning is an essential experience of socialization into th e values many popular ideas about education help to distract people
of a market-driven society (aka capitalism). As Ivan Illich writes fro1n recognizing th e roots of social and environm enta l injustice.
in Deschooling
Society, "Once we have learned to need school, If, in theory , schooling is believed to give equal opportunity to
all our activities tend to take the shape of clien t relationships
all childr en, then academic achievemen t is one way to justify
to other specialized institutions. " In other words, ,ve learn that socioeconom ic inequa lity. Rather than a system being criticized
we go to schoo l to get knowledge , the hospital to get health, the as unjust , individuals are blamed for failure or celebrated for
police to get safety, the government to get security, the salon to success. Paradoxically , we often find n1ainstrea1n political leaders
get beauty , the church to get saved. What if, instead of paying clai1ning that syste1nic social inequa lity and dysfunction can be
to get degrees so that we might secure a job so that we can buy traced to problems with education. I believe that neither of
all of the above, vve spen t time cultivating our ability and our these perspectives identifies the co1nplex relationship between
communities ' ability to provide for thos e needs? Such a vision is institutionalized schools, individual students, political economy,
hard to sustain in a society predicated on an extre1ne division of and dominant cultura l myths.
labor ,vhere few people own th e primary means of production.
My analysis so far has suggested that rather than understand
Disorientation is about sustaining such a vision and fostering educa tion as an auto1natic solution to social problems,


, schooling
athei ve




schooling is often co1nplicit in the perpetuation of social and
environ1nental exploitation. The connections bet'vveencorporate
and military interests, and universities like UCSC, run deep. Just
do a littl e investigation into the backgrounds of UC Regents,
university trustees , and those "vho predominantly fund campus
research ( SEE "KNOW YOUR REGENTS'" P.9 ). When we begin to see
our education and our university in this light, it can be rather
confusing . Isn't education the way to solve problems, rather
than create more of them? Facing such contradict ion is never a
painless process, but it is precisely "vhere growth often occursboth on an individual and a collective level. So what can we do
in our o,vn lives and as activists in the UCSC community to
reduce these contrad iction s? TI1isis a question at the core of the
disorientation project.

A natural starting point is th e question: Why am I here?
Trends indicate that more and n1ore undergraduates view
college as a pre-professiona l train ing ground where the central
priority is developing one's marketability for the job hunt after
graduation. While the thinking behind this approach is aimed
at keeping future doors open, I see this trend as closing doors in
two "vays. First, on an existential level, I think it is important for
us to take every opportunity ,ve can to explore what concerns
us, fascinates us, challenges us, and motivates us on this all-toofragile journey we call life. Having the boom and bust indices of
the emp loyment market as one's guide to learning seems more
stifling than stimulating. Second, on a more pragmatic and


stra tegic level, a high percentage of en1ployers are not prin1arily
interested in an employee ,vith specialized skills anyway. Do
a quick Google search on "What e1nployers are looking for,"
and you'll find thou sands of sites that suggest emp loyers' 1nain
concerns are that prospective employees can 1) creatively solve
problen1s, 2) com1nun icate effectively and work well with
others, and 3) efficientl y manage their tim e. I "vould argue that
passionately exploring any n1ajor here on campus "viii challenge
you to develop such skills. The point being: make decisions on
term s that work for you. Think about what you value in this
"vorld and what you imagine could be improved. Ask yourself:
What are the origins and consequences of the values I embrace?
What kind of vocation "viii allow me to live out th ese values and
contribute to the changes I aspire to see?
The people and studen t/community
contributing ideas and art to this publication value a ,vorld
rid of racism, in1perialism, ho1nophobia, patriarchy, war, and
the web of exploitation related to these forms of violence. We
are all in some ,vay searching, struggli ng, and even at times
succeeding, in bringing together our "vork as st udent s at UCSC
and our commitments to building social and environmental
justice movements. At times, as you will find expressed in
other articles here, this 1neans criticizing and taking action
against the UC system for its hypocrisy, shortsightedness, and
exploitation. We do this as con1munity members, people who
take seriously the possibilities for positive social change at and
through this university. After all, the UC belongs to th e public.
Disorientation is about a dedication to ensuring our education
and our university serve the public and not profit-minded
corporate interests.

Boles , Corey. "Incom e Growth of Top 1% Over 30 Years Outpaced Rest of U.S." Wall Street Jo urnal, 25 Oct. 20 11. Web.
Illich , Ivan. Deschoo/ing Society . New York: Harper & Row, 1971 . Print.



to the
Universityof Calif
Before your ride begins , I, your onboard captain, vvill give a brief rundown
of some of the dangers you face now that
you're buckled in. No , these do no t inc lude
the hazards of late nigh t deba uchery or
psychede lic forest excursions. The dangers
of which I speak are of a more profound
nature, dangers that will threaten your
safety and the safety of others if left
unheeded. Without further ado, let us
begin. If you have any questions , feel free
to press the red button on the seat in front
of you, and I will respond in turn.
As ,ve roll steadi ly onto the track and
emerge from the dock, notice to your left
the bold letters that read ~
Our safety briefing ,vill begin here before
you proceed to the docking sta tion to
begin your ride.
Oh! A question from the rear of the
cart. Yes, what is your quest ion passenger?
"Um, I ,vas just wondering: what does
it mean that the UC is in crisis?"
Ah, a very astute question young
sir, and one that is central to our safety
briefing. To say that the UC is in crisis is
to illuminate n1ultiple trends that have
coincided in recent years. The trends
include crises in university access,
quality, and accoun tability. Together
they create the hazardous academic climate
that students in the UC, Cal State, and
Co1nmw1ity College systems must face.
As ,ve con tinue our ride , the details of the
crisis will become clear. On either side of
you no,v ani1natronic figures are coining to
life. On your right you will see legions of


t!tissss isss 1v/1ere t!tr.:
high schoo l grads shoveling piles of 1noney Ji or,or1l1idd ()1111n11
·'s rea!IJ,·ki ck ill11!!! l1Vltr1r1r1r1oosh!tlt!!!!
high into the air. On your left, 111assive t1,
Ok ,ve made it, any questions?? Yes!
burlap bags are held open by university
officials ready to catch this currency. It 's The lady at the rear.
"So I understand that indebted
difficult to convey the astronomica l rise
in tuition ,vith animatrons or words, so graduates are a drag on econo1nic growth
instead we use a stomach-lurching drop and that student unemploy1nent is only
to get your attention; this is a roller deepen ing the problem , but ,vhy else does
coaster after all. TI1e drop
high tui tion negatively
affect stude nts?"
is steep , as it is inversely
Well, to answer
900% increase in tui tion
that question, you 1nust
experienced since 1978
first unders tand that
(Harris , 2011). The g-force
astronom ical
picks up towards the end
does not on ly affect
studen ts. That's right,
because our engineers
,vanted to underscore the
the crisis of access affects
fact that 200% of tha t
society as a whole. High
tuition raises students '
increase has occurred in
the past ten years (Watson,
dependence on loans,
2012). Feel the butterfl ies
but also discourages
begin to flap violently as
high-sc hoo l
,ve reach the apex: no,v
graduates fron1 apply ing
haaang ooon!!!!
to the UC in the first
place. Up ahead loon1
t/,r1J1f1!,-lt dark elled Sf.J1
the open doors of a
i11aleri hJ' tl1e hlur s 11f .fl as/,i11
t5· massive wrought iron gate. Watch closely
p erce11lt1
·es, it s/1rJ11l1i heco111
e cle,1r rli,1.t as they begin their creaking, mechanical
e:r:orhitan t u, itirJ/1is a real pr11hle111.
'/'/,e closure. We will not pass through this
sea .Yl)ll fe el is 11ki11 l/J rvhal 111
y gate , for they open only for the most
t5r111i1tales <vitl, 1111 lt; .</;
24,()()() dfJlla rs privileged socioeconon1 ic class. While this
in ri eht (flarr z:,, 20 I 1) are fe eli111:!,
·, so institution prides itself on being open to
11011'z he a/11.
eri /Ja,.f haf!,-sare in the all, this is not the case. TI1e cart ,vill no,v
seat hack i11
Jr fJlll rJJ1r11t.frJr ~v/1e11J7Jll take a brief pause, so as to give you all time
re,1/ize that t!te 1/lf,y>)l-izr rff Slllfi ent ri ehl to process this next bit of information.
,viii ll/Jl he paid ha ck , at /Ii t!ta.l it l1as
"For every 100 Latin@ students that
111Jw re,1.c!teri o<•
er J lrillio11 dr)!lars. enter K-12, on ly nine enter university,

to convey
in tuitionwith
weusea stomach1urchingdropto get
isa rollercoaster



and only seven will graduate, and sadly only two will go to grad
school, while less than one of these students ,viii actually receive
their PhD" ("Coloring," 2012). Now if these statistics are not
terrifying enough, this next set is liable to make you lose your
lunch. As of fall 2012, the UC ,viii be changing the adn1ission
policy in an effort to "widen the poo l of applicants." In reality,
these new policies are estimated to decrease the number of
students of color accepted system-v,ide. African-American
student acceptance is estimated to decrease by 27%, AsianAmerican students by 12%, and Latin@ students by 3%. These
ne,v policies do not exist in a vacuum. Th ey are on top of the
UC's little to no financial aid for undocumented students, and
the cuts to some of the few programs , such as American studies
and con1n1Lmity studies, that teach critical race theory. These
facts beg the question, who is this university system really for ?
Alright folks, it's tin1e to start 1noving again. Don 't be
alarmed, but ,ve ,viii now be attempting to cli1nb a rocky
cliff face. This nearly 90-degree climb is 1neant to illustrate
how exorbitant tuition prevents people from ever being able
to afford the education that may be the gateway to financia l
stability. As the unemployment rate for non-college grads , ages
21-24 climbs to 12.4% (Reich, 2012), and the median wage
for the same people hovers just above poverty level, a vicious
cycle becomes clear. The ~Ul
~ ~I~
increases social inequa lity: the students that
are now being turned away for lack of funds
are denied the social 1nobility that education
can provide. As tuition continues to rise vvhile
graduate unemployment increases and n1edian
earnings for the same people decrease, caking
on debt to finance the college investment
becomes less and less attractive, especially for
chose in a lov,er socioeconomic classes to begin
with. With underserved high schools funneling
1nore students of color into prison than college
( SEE "PRISON tN OUR HEARTS• P.48 ) , a diplo1na and the pro1nise
of upward mobility have become the privilege of a select fevv.
As gatekeeper to social equality , universities have me power
to sort people in lo,ver classes, and to keep them there. The
crisis of access, if unchecked , can reboot the cycle of poverty
established by systen1ic racis1n. Reckless tuition escalation has
created structural barriers to education, and even for those who
can surmount them, higher ,valls of debt and unemployment
lurk ahead. As we pass by individuals immobilized by the ball
and chain of debt and unemployment, remember that these
ani1natrons could be you if historical trends continue. Okay, so
that ends the crisis of access. We ,viii now dock for cart transfer.
"What cart transfer?"
Ahhhh. Well the ~@)Jr~
approaches, so we are
going to transfer to cramped and unken1pt cars. While tuition
has increased by over 900%, the quality of your education has
unquestionably declined. We at che UC periodically neglect to

UC Fee Increases: 1994 • 20 l 1


0 +- t-t-+-t-



UC fee.s


1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 200, t 20 I0
199S 1997 1999 200 1 2003 2005 2007 ZOO'J 2011

Asimo v, Nanette. "UC President Recommends Huge Tuition
Increas es ." SFGatc . San Francisco Chronicle. 11 Sept. 2009.
Web. 06 Sept. 2012.

perform routine maintenance to this section of the track despite
the fact that it boasts the park's largest loop: lee's all keep our
fingers crossed. Up above to the left and right, two gold-plated
tracks ,vind alongside us, polished and glowing. The cars for
this track are more aptly described as chariots or carriages. TI1e
insides are not cramped and broken, they are just as opulent
as the tracks upon which they glide, furnished ,vith the finest
accoutrements, cushions, and televisions paid
for by your money. But alas that track and those
cushions are not for you or your hiney; they
are for UC and Cal State administration. You
may ask ,vhat they have to do ,vith the crisis of
quality. Well 1ny friends, in the past twenty years
the priorities of the UC have changed so that
administration and profitable departments are
more highly valued than the overall educational
experience. At UCSC alone, the American and
com1nunity studies departments , journalism
minor , Rape Prevention Center, and library and
dining hall hours have been cut due to lack of funds. Students
have been fighting for decades for the creation of a critical race
and ethnic studies department, and ,vhile the university has
made many pronlises, they continually use lack of funds as an
excuse to renege on those pro1nises. Undergraduate education is
no,v a secondary concern, much like our safety on this section
of the track. Watch as those shining lavish cruisers approach
perfectly kept loop-the-loops and corkscre,,vs. Now feel the
violent vibrations as we approach our loop. The ungreased 1nain
line and our less-than-critical velocity make the loop difficult
to complete , much like a degree when there aren't enough
faculty to teach key courses. Just like the schooling that awaits,
comp leting this loop won 't result ,vichout engagement; we 111ust
actively participate in the ride, so everyone hang on and lean
forward. It is paramount that we take responsibility for ourselves
because unfortunately, if ,ve crash, the managers here at the UC
will bear no responsibility for the accident. Ok , here comes

by3 %.

the plunge!!! Haaaaaaaannnnggggg
Whhhooooooossshhhhhh!!! Ahhh, ,ve n1ade it. Was any one
lost? I know that th e safety bars slip from tin1e to tim e ... Nooo,
everyone's still alive; alright then , onto the crisis of accountability.
Above the opening to the approach ing tunnel are the
words I~
,®r M~J~:
we pass into the hall of
responsibilities , a corridor of much fault and no care. There on
the left is the strobing tuition fact reel, which
reads, " ... in the past five years tuition has
increased 73%," and now, " ... in the five years
before , it went up 47%" (Poliakoff, 2012).
On the right , another projection busily scrolls
through student debt figures, blinking and
Aashing hundreds of images of the same fact
or multiple facts at a time, " ... Only 40% in
active repayment ... Average debt of $24,000 ...
Student loans never expire ..." (Harris , 2011).
As we roll deeper into the tunnel our path
will be illuminated by the Raines of a colorful
blaze that surrounds us. You'll notice that
are hurling
UC pension funds into the fire, a visual
representation of th e pyrotechni cs employed in
2008 {Watson, 2012). Nov, that we've passed
through that hellfire, we co,ne to a section of
the tunnel that is currently under construction.
Fro1n this point there is a link to th e upper
1nanagen1ent track, but unfortunately our carts
are exceedingly overcro.vded, so we v,ill be
walking to the tunnel exit.
Everyone watch your step as we exit the
cars. Keep an eye out for the semi-functional neon signage on
the walls. You just may be able to make out th eir 1nessages.
"DeBTt SErVice PAYMEnts for uc ConSTruction TotAI iN
THE HUnDreds OF MILLIONS ... " "REQuEsts FoR capital
ProjEc TS Often EXCeED CAmPUS NEEDS" (Poliakoff,
2012). Such signs tell th e story of UC priorities in an evermore
competi tive university marketplace. The non-educational
aspects of the university experience are valued more highly
than actual instruction. The UC is now 1nore interested in
the quality of its brand name than the quality of its product.


It is important for you incoming students to note that such
priorities divert millions fro1n undergraduate instruction and
toward more prestigious projects like the construction of new
medical centers. The end of the tunnel approaches: ahead you
,viii notice 26 gold-encrusted thrones bedazzled with precious
stones. That is the court of the UC Regents, and it is th ey
who are responsible for reckless spending, non-educational
priorities , and a large portion of the UC's
budget crisis. It is fro,n their thrones and
various committees that tuition increases ,
construction projects and administrative
raises are approved. Yet these highest UC
officials are not held accountable to the
students, staff, and faulty of the university.
Of the 26 Regents , 18 are appointed to the
Board directly by the California governor,
often after having donated large sums of
n1oney to the governor's electoral can1paign.
Once appoint ed, they hold the office for up
to 12 years. Many of the Regents are wellconnected businesspeople, and are regularly
critic ized over significant conAicts of interest
(Byrne, 2009).
In the end, the UC has never been
representative of students, v,hich 1neans they
do not care what you have to say. Ber.veen a
surplus of ties to the world of high finance
and a lack of any mechanis,n for student
involvement in UC governance, the Regents
are in an ideal position to make decisions
with no basis in the reality of student life.
And as we arrive at our return destination, if you re1ne1nber
nothing else re1nen1ber this: your educat ion will not be restored
by bo,ving to such authority , have the courage to speak truth
to power, and perhaps in th e future this safety lap won't be
necessary. Any questions?
Yes, the lady at the back.
"U1nm soo ,vho spec ifically are these regents?"
Good question! If you turn to the next page of your
Disorientation Guide, you'll find a more thorough expose on
these corporate kings and queens.

Byrne , Peter. "Investor's Club: How the UC Regents spin pu blic funds into private profit." American Public Media, 2009. Web. 04 Sep .
"Coloring Outside the Lines." Decolonizing Education. N.p. , n.d. Web . 02 Sep. 201 2 .
Harris , Malco lm . "Bad Edu cation, Generation of Debt." Debt. Spec. issue of Reclamations , Aug.-Sep . 2011.
Hiltzik , Michael. "Is UC Regent 's Vision for Higher Educ ation Clouded by His Investments?"' Los Angeles Times 14 Jul. 20 10. Web . 04 Sep .
Poliakoff, Michael, and Armand Alacbay. Best Laid Plans: The unfulfilled promise of public higher ed!Jcation in California. America n Council
of Trustees and Alumni , Jun . 2012.
Reich , Robert. "The Commencement Address That Won 't Be Given." The Huffington Post 18 May 2012. Web .
Watson , Mary-Virgi nia. "Teach the Budge t Curricu lum 2012 ." 01 Feb . 2012. Web . 07 Sep. 2012 .





APPOlflTED 2009

George Kieffer's appointment to the Board of
Regents appears to be a conflict of interest. He was
Maria Shriver's attorney, but resigned (presumably in
an attempt to defend against daims of political favors)
just before Shriver's ex-husband (Schwarzenegger)
became governor. Kieffer is also the former Chair

The University of California
is 1nanaged by a Board of
Regents. The regents have "full
powers of organization and
governance" over the UC syste1n
(CA Constitution, art. 9, sec. 9).
You pay yoUI tuition to them,
and their control extends over
all ten ca1npuses, five medical
centers, two nuclear research
laboratories and more. So vvho
are they? Who exactly are the
people making the decisions that
affect. the well being of the UC 's
371,000 students, faculty and
staff, and what do they do with
the UC's $19 billion operating
budget? And how do they
become regents?
The basics: There are 26
regents, and 18 of them are
appointed by the CA governor
to 12-year tenns. There are also
seven ex officio regents. These
are people who are on the Board
because they hold other high
offices in state government.
There is also one student regent,
appointed by the Board for a
tvvo-year term. The student
regent isn't allowed to vote on
policy matters until their second
One might think that people

as powerful as the regents should
be elected dexnocratically by the
students, staff, and faculty of the
UC, bur as you can see, that's
nor how it works. Presently, the
xnakeup of the Board of Regents
is heavily guided by anyone with
enough money to influence
California politics. The Board
generally includes some of the
wealrhiest people in the state,
with connections to some of the
xnost powerful corporations in
the country.
constitution, "the university shall
be entirely independent of all
political and sectarian influence
and kept free therefrom in the
of its Regen ts
and in the administration of its
affairs," bur this isn't enforced
in any substantial way (CA
Constitution, art. 9, sec. 9). So
here's a question: Can rhe Board
of Regents effectively make
decisions in the best inter est of
the hundreds of thousands of
working class students, staff and
faculty of the UC when so many
of the regents are themselv es
members of the economic elite?
After looking into who runs our
University, we would say no.

of the LA Chamber of Commerce. At the very least,
the guy knows how to dodge a question: when asked
about his stance on affirmative action, he responded.
"I think the question is both too broad and too narrow."
and changed the subject He is very much a political
player who knows whom to get cozy with, as well
as what to say and what not to say to stay in power
(Kuznia, 2009).


APPOlflTED 1999 / PEAPPOlf lTED 2010

\Vas recently
chairman and CEO for Paramount
Pictures, a company with an annual
incon1e of son1e $20.1 billion. Peter
Byrne, the same investigative reporter
who shed light on Dick Blum's
financial miscreancy (Byrne, 2012)
has this to say about her: "Since Sep.
2006, Regent Lansing... has been
a member of the board of directors
of Qualco1nm Inc. , for which she
receives an annual director 's fee
of $135,000, plus stock options.
According to her econon 1ic disclosure
statement, N[s. Lansing o,vns "more
than $1 million" in Qua lcomm stock
options. In 2009, Qualco1nm paid
her $485,252. Docun1ents released
by the UC Treasurer sho\v that, after
Ms. Lansing joined the Qualcomm
board , UC quadrupled its investm ent
in Qualcornm to $397 million.



J PXl"l'IZ



Richard Blun1 is a San
capita list
a business empire that is,
to say the least, expansive.
Hedge funds? Blu,n owns
one outright and wields a
significant share of various
Real estate? Hi s
pri,nary invesnnent vehicle,
the $7 .8 billion Blum Cap ital
Partners, o\vns the largest real
estate brokerage firn1 on the
planet, CB Richard Ellis, of
,vh ich Blum is chainnan of the
board. Construction? Until
public scandal pro,npted him
to sell off his ho ldings , Blum
was a majority partner in a
construction and engineer ing
company that did billions in
business ,vith the US military,
among other
clients. Large land -h olding
firms? Digital 1nedia co,npany
of which Al Gore serves as
front man? Health industry
fightin g
undermine the expansion of
public health care? Borderto\vn 1naquiladora that builds
the Department of Defense ?
Check, check, check, and
1l1e greatest investment
his ,narriage,
roughly 30 years ago, to a

sena tor, Dianne Feinstein.
At the tin1e of this meshing
of Blun1's financial interest s
with Feinstein's form idab le
political ambitions, Feinstein
,vas Mayor of San Francisco
and Blum-already one of her
main financial backers -h ad
much of his forcu11estaked to
various developn1ent projects
in the city.
And then there is Blum's
business ,vith th e UC . Blum's
financial firm is the largest
stockholder in two major forprofi t education funds: Career
Education Corporat ion and
ITT Educational
2010) . 1l1ese are exploitative
programs that do littl e to train
app licants for future ,vork,
even though they consume
over a quarter of all Pell Grants
issued nationally , and 90% of
students leave with federal
loans outstanding
20 10). 1l1is ,vork a1nounts to
a conflict of interest ; the more
unaffordable the university
gets, the more students look
to cheaper, for-profit schools.
At least \Ve kno\v he's
qualified. After all, he gave
$75,000 to Governor Gray
Davis ' gubernatoria l race over
th e course of t\.vo years. After
the election, he was appointed
as a Regent of the Universi ty
of California, and Chainnan
of the Board.


Pat tiz got his start
in the bu siness wo rld by
founding Westwood One
in 1974-Ain erica's largest
radio net\.vork organizat ion.
Westwood One is a 1najor
suppl ier of traffic ne\vs and
program1n 1ng
loca l TV stations, and its
empire includes NBC Radio
Network, the CBS Radio
Network, CNN Radio, and
Fox Radio News . Pattiz has
a history of being caught
up in financial election
scandals: his company had
to pay over $75,000 in fines
for violating election la,vs.
Pattiz was also nominated
to the Broadcasting Board
government broadcast like
The Voice of America) by
President Clinton,
susp icious ly
over $300,000 of campaign
donations to th e Democrati c
Party and a backing of Hilary

Clin ton 's bid for Senate.
While on th e BBG, Pattiz
was chairn1an of the Middle
East Commi ttee, serving
as a driving force beh ind
the creation of Radio Sawa
and Alhurra Television, the
US government's
Arabiclanguag e radio and TV
services to over 22 countries
in the Middle East, to
"Islamic Extremist Ne\vs" in
th e Midd le East. This 1nedia
mogul is not someone you'd
want to be on the bad side
of, seeing ho\v much of the
Amer ican media he contro ls.
Apparently all of Pattiz's
experience in the 1nedia
somehow qualify him to be
not only a Regent, but also
th e Cha ir of Oversight of the
Departn1ent of Energy 's UC managed nu clear laboratories
(Los Alamos Nat iona l Lab
Na tional

Hadi Niakarechian
IP ES MAPCH 1, 2020

Makarechian was the founder of Capital Pacific Holdings, Shamron,
as well as Chairman of Makar Properties Board of Directors , and Bannis
Lewis Ranch Management Compa ny. A very rich man, he makes most
of his money through a vast web of influence in the high-end real estate
business, and managed to buy his way into California (and UC) politics
by donati ng $100,000 to Schwarzenegger's camp aign. In a b rief interview
with a UCSC student journalist, his answer to the question "Do you
honestly think you represent middle-c lass students like myself?" was "I
don 't know" (Miska, 20 10).















In March of 2008 , the Board
of Regents unani,nously voted to
welcome Mark Yudof as the 19th
President of the University of
California. So who is Yudof, and
why are all the Regents so excited
to have him reign over the UC? At
64, Yudof has had a long history in
running public universities across
the country. He served as president
of the four -can1pus University of
Minnesota from 1997 to 2002, and
chancellor of the University ofTexas
syste1n from August 2002 to May
2008. Before that, he ,vas a faculty
member and administrator at UT
Austin for 26 years, taking positions
such as Dean of the Lav, School from
1984 to 1994 and Executive Vice
President and Provost from 1994 to
1997. Yudof 's en1ployn1ent history
has been , to put it mi ldly, very wellpaid. As Regent Blu,n described,
"He 's expensive , but he's v.rorth it!"
While president of U of M, Yudof
enjoyed multiple raises, bringing his
annual earnings from $225,000 to
$350,000 ; never 1nind that 75% of
U of M 's service workers were being
paid poverty wages. In 2002, Yudof
arrived at University of Texas,
doubling his salary and becoming
the 6th highest paid chancellor in
the United States ,vith a salary at
$742,209 in 2007. And with his
1nost recent move to the University
of California , his salary increased

even 1nore, taking office on June 16,
2008 vvith $924,642 , budget crisis
be da,nned.
Another perk to Yudof's ne,v
job is his residence in the Blake
House, a Northern
has upheld
longstanding tradition of regal and
lavish housing for University of
California presidents. Poor Yudof is
currently living in interim housing
in Oakland at the cost of $11,500
a month because the Blake house
is under electrical and structural
repairs costing between $2 million
and $10 million. We think he
should have to live in the donns.
Interestingly enough, Yudof's
previous emp loyer, the University
of Texas, was the main co,npetitor
for control over the UC-111anaged
nuclear weapons labs. It was a
close race ber..veen UT's alliance
with Lockheed Martin and the
UC 's with Bechtel, Washington
Group International and BWX
Technologies, but the UC took the
bid. But Yudof didn 't have to feel the
"disappointment" of losing this bid
for too long once the UC Regents
decided he vvas qualified for the
position at the top of their ladder.
Not only is Mark Yudof in the ranks
of the country 's highest paid public
university presidents, but he finally
gets to control his long -coveted
Nuc lear Weapons Labs.


This retired Lawyer and executive has worked
for the McOonell Douglas Corporation. Pacific
Enterprises Corporation and the California Science
Center Board. He believes the best plan of action
to the State Budget Crisis is to wait it out, and
everything will be fine in the next few years. This
attitude shows the disconnect between rich and
poor. He has enough money to not be hurt by this
problem. so he can afford to wait it out. He is out
of touch with the students he is supposed to be
representing, some of whom can't afford to just
accept the hikes and wait until things blow over like
he can.

Br uce D Varner

Saying Bruce Varner is a bit out of touch with the
lives of UC students would be an understatement.
Varner is a prestigious corporate lawyer handling
cases like the recent multi-million dollar takeover of
the Stater Bros. corporation. Varner is a friend and
contributor to longtime Republican CA Rep. Jerry
Lewis, who was recently under federal investigation
for his ties to lobbyists and contractors. He also
donated $5,000 to Schwarzenegger' s re-election
campaign before being appointed to the Regency
(SF Chronide , 2006) (PE Business, 20 11).



s C()l



Paul Wachter



Since July 9, 2009, Russell Gould has been
Chairn1an of the Board of Regents. Gould was
appointed to the Board in 1998, and forn1erly held the
positions of Vice Chair and Chair of Finance for the
Board. Gould got his degree in political science at UC
Berkeley and has been representing for the crooked
politics of California ever since, with a resun1e that
includes Director of the Department of Finance of the
State of California from 1993 to 1996 and prior to
that , Secretary of the Health and Welfare Agency from
1991 to 1993.
The gold star on Russell's resu1ne is his e1nploy1nent
with Wachovia Bank as Senior Vice President.
Wachovia \Vas once the fourth-largest bank in the
United States based on total assets; however , in 2008
Wachovia found itself in the middle of a nasty Battleof-the-Banks when both Citigroup and Wells Fargo
attempted to buy out Wachovia in light of its looming
failure. Initially Citigroup made an offer to Wachovia
with governn1ent support through the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, and then soon after Wells
Fargo submitted an even higher offer of $15.1 billion
in stock , claiming they did not need the government
guarantee that Citibank opted for. Although
Wachovia's stocks had fallen 97% in 2008, the battle
\Vasstill ruthless to gain o,vnership of its assets because
in the ,vorld of banking, the bigger the better , and
this financial crisis provided a unique opportunity for
the \vorld's banking monopolies to bloat themselves
to new extremes. In the end Wachovia sold itself to
Wells Fargo , co1npleting the merger on December 31 ,
2008. And all this came just before Wells Fargo hit the
Bailout jackpot, being one of the first banks to receive
a government-funded financial bailout, and being the
bank to receive the biggest amount of 1noney in one
shot - $25 billion dollars. Long story short , Wells
Fargo buys out Wachovia for $15.1 billion, hits the
government up for a bailout jackpot of $25 billion,
and our UC President Gould finds himself sitting atop
a huge pile of (our) money.

Paul Wachter \Vas previous
1nain 1noney-man, and one of the
most powerful political insiders
in the state. He got his start in
the world of the super-rich as
the founder and Executive Chief
Officer of Santa Monica-based
company Main Street Advisors.
This "financial, strategi c and
asset management
is so exclusive that according
to a state1nent of econo1nic
interests forms, Wachter filed
with the FPPC after beco1ning
a UC Regent last year, only 11
clients to the firn1 were listed ,
paying the co1npany more than
$ 10,000 a year. Multiple clients
from Main Street Advisors
were directly connected
Sch,varzenegger himself, most
notably the "Shriver Blind
Trust "- as in Maria Shriver,
Sch,varzenegger 's ex-\vife, and a
member of the Kennedy Family.

Wachter is also the manager of
the blind trust into which all of
Sch,varzenegger 's
were liquidated when he becan1e
governor , ,vhich is required of
elected officials to avoid conflicts
of interest. Schwarzenegger's
financial holdings \vere briefly
and partially disclosed in 2003
during the recall campaign,
revealing a financial empire of
tens of 1nillions of dollars invested
1n securities, private equity
funds , and over 100 business
ventures. Not surprisingly, many
of these business ventures were in
partnership ,vith Wachter. Given
Wachter and Schwarzeneggar's
it's hard to see how Wachter
could act as an independent,
disinterested 111anager of the
governor 's assets in his position.
In fact, it was Sch,varzeneggar
himself that nominated Wachter
to the Board of Regents in 2004.

Monica Lozano

Even though Lozano is on her way out, it's worth highlighting her villainy.
Lozano sits on the Board of Bank of America, which holds $4.9 billion in loans.
Additionally, Bank of America has foredosed on tens of thousands of California
homeowners. It's estimated CA has lost$4 BILLION in property tax revenues due
to the foreclosure crisis-mo ney that would have gone to fund public education
and other essential services (Redaim UC, 2010).

Byrne , Peter. "Investors' Club : How the UC Regents Spin Public Money into Private Profit.'' . N.p., 20 12 . We b.
Gordon , Larry. "UC Weighs in what to do with aban doned president's mansion." Los Angeles Times. 04 Oct. 20 10. Web.
Hitlz ik, Micha el. "Is UC regent's vision for higher edu cation clouded by his investments? " Los Angeles Times. 14 J uly 20 10 . Web .
Kuznia , Rob. "Regent Profile: Q&A with George Kieffer." Coastlines. UC Santa Barbara Alumni Associati on. 200 9 . Web.
Neubauer , Chuck . "Exclusive: Senator's husband 's firm c ashes in on crisis." Washington Times. 21 April 20 09.
Shoup , Laurence. "Richard C . Blum and Dianne Feinstein: The Power Couple of California." Founds( . N.d. Web.




the University

The Univers ity of Cal ifornia is a
prestigious and infan1ous ly "l iberal"
university, presenting itself as an institution
of progressive learning, academic integrity
and intellectual freedon1 . But it's important
to closely examine our university's
role i11society, beyond this lofty and
lib eral image. We think it's importa11t, as
participants in this academic institution ,
to be conscious of our L111iversity'srole as
an essential building block in supporting
and pe rpetuating the strength of the everexpanding An1erican m ii itary empi re.
Think of war industry as a pyramid that couldn 't stand
wit hout the support of all of its sides. l11e military , private
corporations, and academia, while appearing to be institutions
that function independently of each other , are three pillars that
together uphold US 1nilitary dominance. Within the 1nilitaryindustrial-academic complex, the military is responsible for
enforcing defense. Business or industry, primarily con1prised
of corporate weapons contractors, is responsible for producing
defense tools and 1nachinery. Universities like ours are responsible
for providing the intellectual capital and research necessary to
constantly develop our defense capabilities. In other words, the
techno logy and rhetoric that enable US war efforts are birthed
at schools like UCSC. American hegemony, or geopolitical
dominance, cou ld not function wit hout these three institutions
working ,vith and sustaining each other.
"M ilitarization of the university refers to th e process and
conditions in ,vhich a university's people and resources have been

mobilized to contribute to the military en terprise of the political
elites, th e Department of Defense, and the DOD 's contracted
corporate subsidiaries" (Bond-Grah1n , 2003 ).
Our academic institutions provide a dual benefit to the
military enterpr ise. First is th e continuous inAux of new
science and knowledge, allowing the Department of Defense to
cont inuou sly advance the technological backbone of theA1nerican
military. Exan1ples of this relationship are found throughout the
UC system. A 2003 study of the research relationships between
the Departn1ent
of Defense
and full-time faculty at UCSC's
Baskin School of Engineering
showed that at the ti1ne, 51% of
of full-tirne
faculty were currently engaged
faculty at UCSC's
in a research project that was
Baskin School
directly funded by the DOD
of Engineering
were engaged in
study focuses only on the Baskin
School of Engineering at UCSC,
a research project
so it does not include full-time
that was directly
researchers, lecturers, v1s1t1ng
fundedby the
professors or graduate students.
DOD (BondBut because it also omits other
Grahm, 2003).
invested in war
(corporations , other govern1nent
bodies like the Departn1ent of Energy or the Department of
Homeland Security), it is safe to assun1e that a 51% share of
programs involved with the military en terprise is actually a
modest estimate of the extent of the interdependent relationship
between the military and the acade1ny.
The partnership with war indu stries is even more
pronounced at other UC campuses: Professor Charles Schwarz
of UC Berkeley's Physics Department has measured rates of

51 °/o


Rates of Military & Milita ry-Industrial Employme nt for
UC Berkeley Graduates






Q) C: ~


-0 -,u::, EN





1- --







.... a,·-





A tmospheric


Aero nautical

Erngin eering

Engi neerillg






Engineeri ng


in the Marshall Islands, equaling an average of
1.6 Hiroshima-sized explosions over the Marshall
Islands every day continuously for 12 years. And it
also includes over a thousand bo1nbs detonated on
the Western Shoshone Nation at the Nevada Test
Site-t he most bombed nation on earth - with
1,032 open air nuclear bombings and 21 sub-critical
nuclear explosions (Eichstaedt , 1994).
l11ere is also a trend of environn1enta l racis1n in
the 111anage1nentof UC labs, as co1nmunities of color
have nearly always been the targets of nuclear attacks
and nuclear pollution. This has especially been true
of Native American and Indigenous communities:
18 of 20 proposed nuclear ,vaste sites are located on
Native American Reservations.

Academ ic Department

Corporate Takeover

Schwartz , Charles. "Publish and Perish : Integ ration s of

University Science with the Pentagon .." Science for the
Peop le (1988): Print.

1nilitary/military -industrial employment for graduates as high
as 48% for physics , 34% astrono1ny, 58% aunospheric science,
28% applied mathematics, 64% aeronautical engineering,
43% electrical engineering, 34% 111aterialsengineering, 36%
1nechanical engineering, and 24% nuclear engineering (see

UC a11dThe Bomb
Since the foundation of the Manhattan Project, a term used
to describe the develop1nent of the US's first nuclear weapons
during WWII, the UC has overseen the nation's two largest
nuclear research facilities: Los Alan1os Nationa l Laboratory
(LANL) and the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory
Information regarding lab operations is highly classified, but
as is publicly stated on the LANL website , "LANL serves as the
design and certification agency for key nuclear ,veapons" and
is responsib le for "the development of specialized 1nunitions"
(LANL, 2012). l11is entai ls projects involving "plutonium
science and technology, component manufacturing, and nuclear
waste management." Researchers at this UC lab also "develop
1nore realistic models of nuclear ,veapons explosions", and admit
to perforn1ing "subcritical experiments at the Nevada Test Site
using s1nall amoun ts of nuclear material" (LANL , 2012).
We inherit a gruesome history as students of this institution.
With the responsibility of managing major parts of the US nuc lear
arsenal , ,ve are consequently respons ible for its violent uses.
This includes the two atomic bon1bs dropped over Hiroshi1na
and Nagasaki during WWII, resulting in over 200,000 acute
deaths and many generations of resultant suffering. It includes
the 67 "test" bombs dropped on th e Indigenous com1nunities

l11e relationship bet';veen acaden1ia, military
enterprise, and corporate industry re-solidified
in 1994 and 1995 , when management of LLNL
and LANL was put up for bidding the first time since the
Manhattan Project. l11e decision to put the labs up was a
result of a history of shady and inco1nplete managen1ent by the
UC Regents over the labs, including security breeches , lost or
stolen classified material, and improper storing and handling
of radioactive 1naterial. However, the UC Regents ,vere able to
maintain their grip on the world of nuclear \<Veaponswhen th ey
subm itted their bid as a conglomerate with military-industrial
corporations Bechtel, Washington Group International and
BWX Techno logies , fonning a Limited Liability Corporation
over the labs. l11ey won this ne,v contract, beating out a
coalition bet';veen Lockheed lvlartin and University of Texas. It
,vas an awkward battle to say the least with a branch of Lockheed
Martin located right up the hill on top of Empire Grade, and
with our ne,v UC Presiden t Mark Yudof coming to us after
being Chancellor at the University of Texas.
The UC , now partnered with these th ree corporations,
has turned the 111anagement of LLNL and LANL from pub lic
management to private managemen t, making it easier to change
contracts , create ne,v nukes, and ,vithho ld information. Their
LLC (limited liability) status conveniently removes responsibility
fro1n any one of these institutions. It's in1portant to note the role
our new "partners" play in society.


is a multi-national corporation, and one of the largest
war profiteers in the ,vorld, working on 20,000 projects across
all seven continents since it was fou nded in 1898. Riley Bechte l
ranks as the 418th richest n1an in the world according to Forbes,
and served on Bush's Export Council to advise the govern1nent
on ho,v to create markets for American companies overseas.
Exan1ples of projects Bechtel has vvorked on range from nuclear



reactors to oil pipelines to "re-building infrastructure" in Iraq.
They are most notoriously knov,n for their involvement in the
privatization of water in Bolivia , leading to mass protests knov.rn
as "The Cochabamba Water Wars."

BWX Technologies

seems to "specialize" in the
management of nuclear ,veapons facilities, operating not only
at LLNL and LANL but also at the Y-12 National Security
Complex in Tennessee and the Pantex Plant in Texas.

Washington Group International

was acquired
in 2007 by URS Corporation for 3.1 million dollars , and
now functions as the "Washington Division " of URS. This
provides another tie to the UC, because URS Corporation was
contracted for part of the Long Range Deve lop1nent Plan here
at UCSC ( SEE "LRDP' P37 ) . To make it even more incestuous
and complicated, Board of Regents member Richard Blu1n used
to preside on the URS Board, but resigned in 2005 after being
called out for conflict of interest.
The UC is very much gui lty of involven1ent in this 1nilitaryindustria l-academic relationship, ,vorking closely with the
Department of Defense and for-profit corporations. As a result,
the management of the University of California is not only guilty
of a lack of vocal resistance to United States i1nperial policies,
but of being an active participant in the deliberate violence,
oppression and exploitation enacted by our government and
our military at hon1e and abroad . So ,vhat do we do about it? It
should be noted that efforts to de-militarize and to democratize
th e UC are one and the sa1ne. Would the UC participate in the
military enterprises des cribed above if it were run den1ocratically,
if students , staff and faculty had control over the affairs of
university 1nanage1nent? Wou ld students choose to partner with
so many major players in the war industry? Wou ld you?
Luckily, there is a legacy of students fighting back against the
confluence of our education ,vith the military machine. In the
spring of 1965, students formed the Vietnam Day Committee
(VDC) , an assembly that sparked an around-the -clock teachin alongside Zellerba ch Hall , drav.ring attention to a wide array
of anti -war concerns, drawing in about 30,000 people. That


su1n1ner the VDC escalated to more confrontational direct
actions, culminating in an atten1pt to stop troop trains in West
Berkeley by standing on the tracks. 20,000 peop le n1arched on
the Oakland Army Terminal, before police forces pushed the1n
With the invasion of Ca1nbodia in 1970 can1e ano ther
wave of action across the nation , especially in Berkeley. First
paralyzing the schoo l v.rith a riot in May, the momentum of the
Anti -War movement was building towards a strike on catnpus.
The faculty-run Academic Senate voted to abolish the ROTC,
eliminating the UC as a possible site for a nun1ber of n1ilitary
activities. The regent s ignored the decision, but the faculty
found inventive v.rays to
undermine the hegemonic
Resea rc hers at
representation of the UC by
this U C lab also
reconstituting "the university
so students could take all
classes pass/no pass and
could get credit for anti-war
work " (Pelfrey, 2004).
More recently, Santa
a11aadn1 it to
Cruz has become one of
the 1najor sites of resistance
against the Pentagon and
its allied industries.
1991, Santa Cruz students
shut down High,vay 1 in
agitation against Operation
Desert Stonn , and in 2003,
7,000 Santa Cruz students
(along with thousands more
across the state) participated
in the world 's largest protest ever, against the US invasion of
Iraq. Students Against War (SAW) successfully evicted 1nilitary
recruiters from Santa Cruz Campus in 2005, and in Nove1nber
of last year, antiwar protesters at UCSC career £'lir blockaded
the tables of Marine recruiters and aerial drone manufacturers.
Future actions will continue to address the military presence
on campus. These victories, big and small, work against the
militarization of our schools.

'' develop more
realistic models of
nuclear weapons

at lhe Nevada
Test Site using
small amounfs of
nuclear material''
(LA NL, 2012).

Andreas, Jo el. Addicted to War: Why the US Can't Kick Militarism . Canada: AK Press, 01 Sep. 2002 . Print.
Bond- Graham , Darwin. "University in Service of the Warfare State: The Baskin Study." lndybay. Santa Cruz Indep endent Medi a Center, 04
J une 200 3 . Web. 05 Sep . 20 12.
Eichstaedt, Peter H . If You Poison Us: Uranium and Native American s. Santa Fe, NM : Red Crane. 1994 . Print.
"Global Security." Warfighter Support: Principal Associate Directorate for Los National Alamos Laboratory. Los Alamos National Security,
LLC , 201 0 . Web . 05 Sep. 2012 .
"History at Los Alamos." Schoo l Becomes Arsenal of Democracy: Los Alamos National Lab. Los Alamos Nat ional Laboratory, n.d. Web.
29 Aug . 20 12.
"Laboratory Organization." Los Alamos Lab: Organization Home. Los Alamos National Secu rity LLC, 20 10. Web. 05 Sep . 2012.
Pelfrey, Patricia A. A Brief History of the University of Galifornia. Berkeley, CA: U of California, 2004. Print.
Schwartz , Charles. "Publish and Perish : Integration of University Science with the Pentago n." Science for the People Aug .-Sep. 198 8: 6- 10.













From Mortgages
to Student Loans:

A Tale of Two Bubbles





































Families foreclosed on and forced into the streets.
Students fresh out of college and fresh out of luck; no
job , no hope , lots of debt. What do these nvo things have
in common? For starters, both outcomes are the result
of financial bubbles caused by (a1nong other things)
th e severing of connect ions bec.veen borrowers and
lenders. As the interests of these nvo categories diverge
and that connection becomes harder to understand, we
end up ,vith things like the 2008 Financial Crisis and
th e i1npend ing Student Debt Crisis. Beyond that, th ese
outcomes are perfect examples of what happens when
housing and educat ion (and the debt associated with
each) are treated as nothing more than commodi ties
to be trad ed for profit. The massive fraud and blatant
disregard for long-term consequences that lies at the
heart of each bubble can teach us much about ,vhy we
now find ourselves in the \Vorst recession since the Great

How bad is it?
Nearly four million homes have been foreclosed
on in the US since 2008 (C oreLogic, 2012 ). In the
sa1ne an1ount of time, Americans lost a quarter of their
net \vorth (Altman , 2009). 54% of bachelor's degreeholders under 25 were un- or und ere1nployed last year,
,vhile total student debt recently topped a trillion dollars
(Weissn1ann & NPR, 2012).
Our prospects for advancement after college are
markedly worse than our parents' \Vere. During the
past 30 years the US has become the vvorld leader in
incon1e inequality among developed nations, as well as
the least up\vardly mobile (Stiglitz , 2012 ). TI1e "land of
opportunity" is 110\vanything but. Unless , of course,
you work in th e financial sector , in which case the last
30 years have been by far the most profitable in history
(Khat i\vada, 2010).

How did we get here?
There are 1nany reasons for this, all of them
interconnected - deregulation, political corruption, the
steady rise in the power and criminality of the financial
sector over th e last 30 years; the list goes on and on. One

developn1ent that's been bre,ving since the late 70's, and
which reached its peak in 2008, can serve as a useful
example of what 's \vrong \Vith the whole system though.
TI1e accelerated perversion of the relationship benveen
lenders and borrowers during that time illustrates the
degree to which our economy and our country have
changed for the ,vorse.
In the run-up to the events of 2008, privately issued
mortgages and private student loans both proliferated
dran1atically. Before the mid-90's, both types of loan had
been ove1wheliningly n1ade directly by th e govern1nent
or backed by a government guarantee. But as private
lenders begin dealing in each type of debt , the rules
of th e ga1ne start to change. The ethical connection
benveen lend er and borro,ver is severed completely , as
financial finns realize they can make a killing through
buying and selling the debt of uninformed borrowers.
Instead of lending money and making a profit off
the interest paid on it, the ent ire loan is 110\vsold to Wall
Stree t, where firms bundle it up with thousands of other
loans and sell that concoction to various investors , in
a pro cess termed "securitization" (McClean & Nocera ,
201 O). Whereas before th e people lending the 1noney
had a direct connection with tho se borrowing it (if the
borrower didn 't pay, th e lender \Vould lose money ), no,v
the lender 's fate is entirely divorced from the borrower's.
The lend er 1nakes a loan , sells it to Wall Street , and th en
Wall Street sells that to an investor; out of sight out of
n1ind. Furthermore, since riskier loans charge higher
interest rates, the 111ostprofitable loan s have quickly
become those with the least chance of ever being paid
back (Ferguson, 2012 ).
The only thing dictating how loans should be made
is how fast Wall Street can gobble the1n up and resell
them to gullible investors who don't know \vhat they 're
buying. If the borro,vers default on th eir loans, ,veil,
no,v that's so1neone else's problem.
TI1at disconnect transl ates into a burning desire
to make as many loans as possible in order to satisfy
Wall Street's hunger for risky loans. Deception and
exploitation beco1ne the nonn as lending stand ards
disintegrate. Potential borro\vers become nothing more
than pawns to be manipulated; "muppets" in the words
of one former Goldman Sachs employee (O'Regan ,



In order to 1nake those risky loans, mortgage lenders target
borrowers with poor credit histories ('subprime borrowers' in
financialese) by 1naking aggressive and downright dishonest sales
pitches in a practice now known as predatory lending. In keeping
with a history of racial and socioecono1nic discrimination
so often associated with economic "advancement,"
disproportionate nu1nber of those loans are made to people of
color and lov, income . Undocumented i1n1nigrants are especially
targeted - since they can't thoroughly understand the forms
they are being asked to sign , it is that much easier for a lender
to saddle them with the most odious and deceitful types of loan.
It's no coincidence that the ensuing wave
of foreclosures ,vas concentrated in border
states like Florida , Arizona, and, of course,
California (Ferguson , 2012).
Besides the fraud that the companies
who sell mortgages directly to aspiring
homeowners perpetrate, the Wall Street
banks that purchase and securitize those
loans are also guilty of a massive a1nount
of deception and criminal activity . Such
practices later became the basis for a $26
billion settlement bet\veen 49 of 50 state
attorney generals and the five largest banks
in the US.
If that sounds like a lot of 1noney,
consider the fact that Bank of America has
settled a single private lawsuit regarding the sa1ne fraudulent
securitization practices for $8.5 billion . There have been many
1nore lawsuits pending against these banks seeking similar
an1ounts. The $26 billion settlement ho,vever, allo"ved the banks
to pay a single sum, tiny in the grand scheme of things, that will
largely protect them from new lawsuits in the future (Taibbi,
2011). So the banks are still getting bailed out and the victims
of their finan cial crisis- students, homeo,vners , fa1nilies- are
still getting sold out.
As a result of deceptive lending tactics by mortgage
originators and massive fraud by the banks, subprime mortgages
shot up from 7% of total 1nortgages in 2001 to 21% by 2007
(Perry, 2008). Private student loans went from 4% of the total
in 2001 to 15% by 2008 ("Private Loans," 2011).
Mortgage originators and banks made fortunes by saddling
homeowners and students with debts they could neither afford
nor understand, sucking the economy into the collapse of 2008
and possibly setting it up for another as th e Student Debt
Bubble loon1s ever larger on the horizon.
Mortgage originators get paid commission based on the
nu1nber of loans they sell, so their prin1ary incentive is to keep
n1aking more and more. Traders and executives at banks get
paid bonuses based on the amount of securities, ,vhich are just


loans from the originators bundled up and sold as investn1ents
to others , that they sell (Ferguson, 2012). TI1ey ,von't be held
accountable for what ulti1nately happens to the loans or those
"vho took the1n out, so why worry about it? On top of that ,
a la,v was passed in 2005 that makes it impossible to declare
bankruptcy on student loans, n1aking then1 one of the n1ost
permanent types of debt there is and giving private lenders even
more reason to sell as many as possible (Dugas, 2009).
The perverse incentives that drive these bubbles place
the pursuit of profit over all other concerns - the effects on
individuals , society, the econo1ny, even the effects on the very
banks and mortgage companies that greedy traders and lenders
worked at; all are overlooked as long as the
money continues to pile up.
While it is clearer than ever that the debt
111anyAmericans are no,v saddled with as a
result of these bubbles was incurred under
false pretenses , our economic and politi cal
systems continu e to cling stubbornly to the
notion that th ey must be paid back in full,
no matter the cost to the individual, or to
The effects of all this debt - econo1nic,
societal, psychological - won't be fully felt
or understood for decades. Although debt
bubbles are far fro1n being the only thing
\,Vrong with our financial system, they are
indicative of the political, economic, and
social environment that allows them to happen in tl1e first pla ce.
So ,vhat are people doing no,v to try and address this? A
"Student Loan Forgiveness Act" has en1erged in the House,
but its fate remains uncertain (Kristof , 2012). A number of
influential voices are now suggesting that forgiving some of
the debt incurred during the bubble might actually benefit the
economy in a number of ,vays. Indeed , some say it will never be
able to fully recover until that debt is largely wiped out , one way
or another (Kain , 2011).
In the end , ,vhat truly needs to happen is a rethinking of ho,v
we understand the basic ele1nents that make up a functioning
society, such as education and housing. As these necessities of
life grow increasingly com1nodified , our future is detern1ined
ever more by short-term, simplistic, and destructive decisions
based solely on the pursuit of profit.
In order to change this we need to change the basic
assumptions that our econo1ny, our nation , and our world rest
upon. We no longer have the privilege of sitting back in the ivory
towers of our universities ,vhile our future cru1nbles around us.
We must genuinely apply the knowledge ,ve gain here with the
aim of making real change in the real world. If we want a future
for ourselves ,ve 111ustmake one by ourselves, because no one
else is going to do it for us.

In the end what
truly needs to
happen is a
rethinkingof how
we understandthe
basic elements
that make up a
such as education
and housing.





Altman , Roger C. "The Great Crash, 2008." Fo reign Affairs. Council on Foreign Relations, J an./Feb. 200 9 . Web.
"Corel ogic Repo rts 66 ,000 Completed Foreclosures Nationally in April.'' Core Lo gic . N.p., 30 May 201 2. Web.
Dugas, Christine. "Gradu ates sadd led with debt , stud ent loans can't easily turn to bankruptcy." USA To day. Gannet Co ., 15 May 200 9 . Web.
Ferguson, Charles H . Predator Nation: Corporate Criminals, Political Corrupti on, and the Hijacking of America. New York: Crown Business,
2012 . Print.
Kain, Erik. "Could a Debt Jubilee Help Kick start the American Economy?'' Forbes , 05 Oct. 20 11. Web .
Khatiwada , Sameer. "Did the Financial Sector Profit at the Exp ense of the Rest of the Eco nomy? Evid ence from the United States ." Cornell
University Digital Commons . Cornell University ILR Schoo l. 0 1 Jan . 20 10 . Web .
Kristof , Gregory. "Hansen Clarke's Student Loan Forgiveness Act Find s Big Suppo rt Online." The Huffington Po st . N.p. , 19 Jun e 20 12. Web .
M cl ean , Bethany, and J oseph Nocera. All the Devils Are Here: The Hidden History of the Financial Crisis. New York: Portfolio/ Penguin, 201 0 .
Perry, Mark J . "The Rise and Fall of the Subp rime Mortg age Market. " Carpe Diem. N.p., 17 J uly 2008 . Web.
"Private Loans: Facts and Trends.'' The Project on Student Debt. N .p. , July 20 11. Web.
Staff, NPR. "Are Today's Millennials The 'Screwe d Generation '?" NPR . PBS., 03 Sept. 20 12. Web .
Stiglitz, Joseph E. The Price o f Inequality: How To day 's Divided Society Endangers Our Future . New York : W.W. Norto n, 11 Jun. 20 12. Print.
Taibbi, Matt. "The Next Big Bank Bailout. " Rolling Sto ne. N.p., 05 Oct. 201 1. Web.
Weissmann , Jo rdan. "53% of Recent College Grad s Are J obless or Und eremployed - How ?" The Atlantic. N .p ., 23 Apr. 20 12. Web .

Crisis and Capitalism
We tend to view economic crisis as accidental hiccups ; vve capitalism. This is true for food, water, education , shelter , power,
think of them as occasional exceptions to the general tendency co1nmunication , health care, socialization, entertainment,
for capitalism to deliver essential goods and services to people. transportation, la,v enforcen1ent , and thanks to the rapid
But this simply isn't true if one exrunines the history of proliferation of internet dating sites , even love! Social net'-vorks
capitalis1n a bit more closely. Crisis has left innumerable scars are part of the process of com1nodifying our friendships , too.
on capitalisn1- so much so, that it would be in1possible to
So in order to 1neet our needs, which are increasingly tied
speak about capitalis1n v,ithout them. In the US alone , ,ve have up in our systen1 of currency , we need to find a job that will
witnessed periods of severe economic contraction starting in pay us to work. But the more jobs this systen1 needs to create
1819 , 1837 , 1857 , 1866 , 1873 , 1884, 1890 ,
for people, the 1nore commodified our
1893 , 1907, 1929, 1937, 1973, and 1987.
life becon1es. Capitalism has to constantly
Cap italism has to
This tendency has only sharpened in the last cons tant ly search for
search for more seg1nents of our daily life
few years, with the savings and loan crisis
to transform into 1nediums of labor and
more segments of our exchange. If it doesn 't, the billions of former
of the 1990s, the energy crisis and dot-coin
daily life to t ransfo rm peasants becoming workers, or the worker 's
bubble of the early 2000s , ru1d of course , the
subprin1e mortgage crisis of 2007 that kicked
into med iums of labor children , will not have jobs and thu s won't
off the current cycle of economic calamity.
spend. But even those fortunate enough to
We can even start to think about the
have had \vork , eventually lose it. This is a
history of capitalism as one giant crisis. TI1ere
simple fact of technological develop1nent.
is an oft-repeated observation that v,alking may just be our feet Most technology is labor-saving technology , or, technology that
catching our perpetual fall-for, vard. Growth in capitalism \Vorks reduces the an1ount of time (and people ) it takes to complete
in a similar f:,shion. Capitalis1n searches for new industries to any given task. It lies v.1 ithin the legal obligations of businesses
privatiz e as a n1eans of shoring up its increasing inability to make to maximize the profits of the owners , which translates to a
a profit.
maximization of ,vorker productivity in practice. The n1ore
But why does capitalisn1 need gro\vth in th e first place? We efficient one worker is, the fewer workers the O\vner needs on
can write it off to the greed of the \Vealthy who run the syste1n, staff. For instan ce, technology in call centers enables co1npanies
but there is also a 1nore structural explanation. Capitalism comes to host a minimal an1ount of staff to take on direct conversations
in many different shapes and sizes, but its sole precondition is \Vith a consumer; automotive machines in a factory enable one
that "people must lack direct access to the goods that they deem \vorker in this century to do the job of dozens in the last.
necessary for life, finding that access instead only through the
TI1is is reflected clearly in empirical data. Contrary to popular
n1ediation of the market" ("Misery," 2010). In other words, belief, manufacturing in the United States reached its peak in
in order to get what we need to survive , we need to turn to 2002 , and \Vestill make much , much more than we did during



WWII and during the economic boom that follo,ved. What can
be said is that we employ only a fraction of the workers we once
did. Even China, ,vith its historic rates of growth, did not see
any increase in industrial workers from 1993 to 2006 ("Misery,"

So capitalism tries to create more industries in places they
didn't exist before by consuming th ings previously free from
comn1odification. It makes education, health , transportation,
and sustenance into arenas of profit and ,vork. But when it finds
ways to 1nake ,vork 111oreefficient , industries eventually em ploy
fewer people and capitalism has to cannibalize even more of our
life. But it's running out of things to con1modify.
Fe,ver jobs means more surplus populations. Surplus
popu lations of people lower wages for folks that are working,
because a worker becomes replaceable, and therefore less
valuable. Wages have completely collapsed in the last few decades,
since waves of neoliberalism, privatization, and technological
innovation in labor-saving technologies have decreased the
an1ount of work necessary for capitalism 's reproduction. The
histori c attack on organized labor, the main means working class


peop le to organize themselves has also lowered wages- that's
why corporate profits are currently hitting all-tin1e highs , vvhen
our standards of living are hitting all-time lows. Let's say that
again: "corporate profits just hit an all-time high, wages just hit
an all-time lo,v" (Blodget , 2012).
What happens to the surplus populations? Peop le ,vho can't
find work are often organized along racial lines, living in the
ghettos and slums of the world. They turn to illicit activities to
get by, because ,ve'll all break the la,v ,vhen ,ve're fighting for our
survival. Prisons and police regulate these populations, using the
rhetoric of la,v and order to justify extreme violence to repress
the possibility of self-organization ,vithin poor communities.
This has been true for communities of color in the US for most
of the nation's history. But no,v surplus populations are finding
home in American suburbs of formerly "middl e-class" families.
Today 's university students are not future workers; they're the
future surplus. Poverty has hit a forty year-high in this country,
but it is set to climb even higher.
Capitalis1n shows no signs of slo,ving. The train is running
off the tracks; how will we pull the brake?

"M isery and Debt" Endno tes #2: Misery and the Value Form. Apr. 201 0 . Web.
Blodget, Henry. "Corporate Profits Jus t Hit An All-Tim e High , Wages Just Hit An All-Time Low ." Business Insider. N.p ., 22 June 20 12. Web .

It is no secret that youth in America
are pissed off. The system we're living in
simp ly isn't working for us. Unemp loyn1ent
for our generation is skyrocketing , and
the traditional safeguards of our futures
- government
like social
security, 1nedicare, and unemp loyment
insurance - are
feeble and impossible to 111aintain. In
light of this , our generation seems to
correctly be looking for alternative ,vays
of keeping ourselves aAoat. This means
turning to po litical ideas farther from the
n1ainstrea1n than your typica l democrat
or republican. Many have turned to the
left- socialists, anarchists , communists ,
environmenta lists, and feminists of all
stripes and colors , just to na1ne a few.
But plenty 1nore have swung rightward ,
adopting the anti-government, pro-market
vitriol of Ron Paul, Paul Ryan , Ayn Rand ,
and Milton Friedman , just to name a fevv.

A Critique

They clai1n that we have 'never had a free
market ', and that if only the govern1nent
wou ld get out of the way, then all of our
proble1ns would be solved . Many of us
on the DisGuide can sympathize with
unease of government intervention in
our lives, but ,ve are equally, if not more
i11Aa1nedat how capitalis1n, waged-work,
and the dictatorship of the rich in and out
of governn1ent, call the shots in nearly
every aspect of our life. Let's cut deep into
the ideology of libertarians be1noaning
corporatocracy, and see if it holds any
Over the last several years, it has
become clear to the vast majority of
A1nericans that the policies of the
neoliberal establishn1ent have failed.
Consequently, the Libertarian Right is
now atte1npting to distance itself from
the effects of these policies. In his article
"Obama the Corporatist," Ron Paul

writes , "We must not allow the disastrous
results of corporatisn1 to be ascribed
incorrectly to free market capitalis1n
or used as a justification for n1ore
government expansion." Paul explains the
distinction thu sly: "Socialis1n is a system
where the government directly o,vns and
manages businesses. Corporatism is a
system ,vhere businesses are nominally in
private hands, but are in fact controlled
by the government. In a corporatist state,
government officials often act in collusion
with their favored business interests to
design policies that give those interests a
monopoly position , to the detri1nent of
both competitors and consumers. "
Both definitions are off. Socialis1n
is ,vorker o,vnership of the means of
Paul describes its state
socialism variant. Corporatism 1neans
something else entirely, so I pr esume that
Paul is referring to corporatocracy. But


he's also got corporatocracy back,vard-it
is not indirect ov,nership of corporations
by the government, but rather indirect
of the government
corporations. This last distinction is the
key point on v,hich I, as a socialist, differ
fron1 th e Libertarian Right. We both
recognize the cronyism that exists benveen
corporations and the govern1nent. The
question is, does big government produce
or do corporations
produce big government ?
The answer of the Libertarian Right
is to treat big government as primary ,
govenu11ent is the root cause of problems
like corpocracy. But even right-wing
scholars can be used to debu11k this view.
Corporations are inherently expansionist.
have a government-enforced
responsibility to their shareholders to
n1axin1ize profits. 1l1is is known as the
Friedman Doctrine, named after rightwing econo1nist Mil ton
Governments, on the other hand, are
not inherently expansionist.
In his
book "Bureaucracy: What Government
Agencies Do And Why They Do It,"
right-,ving political scient ist James Q.
Wilson finds "very little support for the
widespread notion that government
agencies are imperialistic , ahvays seeking
to grow by taking on new functions and
gobbling up their bureau cratic rivals...
There are, to be sure, plenty of examp les
of i1nperialistic agencies headed by
growth-oriented executives, but th ere are
also n1any examples of reluctant agencies
headed by cautious, skeptical execut ives."
Wilson cites Marc Tipern1as, '\vho studied
five major federal reorganization plans in
the late 1960s and early 1970s ... [and] ,vas
able to character ize 25 agency reactions
to the prospect of gaining or losing an
important subunit. In 15 cases, me agency
sought to gro,v or hold on to what it had;
in ten cases it declined a chance to gro,v or
actually approved of losing a subuni t." Big
govern1nent means big responsibility, and
responsibility is son1ething government
officials generally ,vane to avoid.
The decisions of a corporation





,vi thin that corporation.
But governments lack
imperative analogous to
the corporations' profit
1notive. As a result,
originate outside of the
and are
typically the result of
interest group pressure.
becon1es clear
when we look at the
expansions. Obamacare,
for instance , was pushed through by the
emp loyers ,vho traditionally provided
their emp loyees ,vith health insurance
and ,vere now losing money due to rising
health care costs , as well as by insurance
companies who ,vanted the government
to deliver them ne,v customers. There is
not a shred of evidence that Obamacare
was caused by the government's inn ate
expansion ist drive.
No interest
govern1nent for the sake of big
College students
don 't
want big government;
they ,vant
public education.
governn1ent ; they wan t the government
to regulate pollution. Oil co1npanies
don't want big govern1nent; they ,vant the
government to boost military spending
and conquer oil-rich countries. Even state
socialists see government control of the
economy as a path to worker democracy ,
not as an end in and of itself.
1l1ose on the Libertarian Right
commit nvo errors. First, th ey do not
distinguish benveen a government which
is fining a company for an oil spill and
a government which gives thi s company
oil subsidies -both are covered under the
blanket tenn "big government." Second,
the Libertarian Right fails to realize that
if we wan t to change the government, we
must alter the relative power of various
interest groups. After the end of the Cold
War, military spending declined, but then


sho t back up in me 2000s. The decline
proved temporary because the int erest
groups behind high military spending
,vere never defeated.
Big govern1nent is so big because
th e corpora tions made it big. Reducing
military spending thus requires reducing
the power of oil cotnpanies. This can be
done through direct action, such as a
,vorkers' strike at an oil rig. Or it can be
done by pushing through a steep carbon
tax. Here , the expansion of govern1nent
in one area leads to the ,vithdra wal
of govern1nent in another. But the
Libertarian Right opposes both of th ese
tactics. Which means that its calls for
smal l government are littl e more than
pious wishes. 1l1e corporate elites are
free to pick and choose which libertarian
prescriptions they ,viii impl ement. Thus,
th ey ignored Friedn1an's criticis1n of the
War on Drugs , but gleefully follo,ved his
advice on financial deregulation.
Free n1arket is not a rival of
corporatocracy. Ramer, free market is
th e ideology of American corporatocracy.
There is no capitalism but crony
without the government creat ing and
enforcing capital property rights. And as
long as capitalism and the govern1nent
exist side by side, there will always be
political economy problems. If the
Libertarian Right genuinely wants to get
rid of corporatocracy , it shou ld consider
getting rid of capitalism.



While not an especially heated debate,
the choice between Wavy Lays and Ruffles is
an imp ortant one for many processed pota to
enthu siasts. A sense of loyalty develops for
your choice of th e ridged chips in a red bag
or a blue bag. Many \vould be surpr ised to
find out that no matter \vhich you buy, your
111oneystill goes to the FritoLay corpo ration.
That 's right, choosing the one dressed in blue
still sends your money to th e exact same place.
You are given an illusio n of cho ice between
t\vo nearly identi cal products.
Speakin g of \vhich, let's talk abo ut th e
upco111ing presidential election. As with
FritoLay, for bot h choices the 111oneyflo\vs
the sa11
1e \vay. Oba111a and Ro111ney have
accepted n1assive donat ions from JP Morgan,
Goldman Sachs, Citig roup, Mo rgan Stan ley,
and GE. Most of these comp anies care little
for which candid ate wins because they can
afford to hedge their bets and endorse both
sides knowing that whoever \Yins will be in
their pocket.
In addition to this, or perhaps largely
because of this, th ey share many sin1ilar
policies. 1l1ey both believe in sup port ing farn1
subsidies (which 111ay
sound nice, but is a racket
to keep unhealthy processed foods like corn
syrup cheap for consu mers and profitable for
corpo rations). Both agree that humans play a
role in climate change, but neither is willing to
limit US business interests in doing anyth ing
about it. They also both support maint ainin g
the abys111alcurrent federal minimun 1 \vage,
the fut ile \Var on dr ugs, the bloated and
dysfunc tional prison systen1, the Patriot Act,
policies on immi gration and deportation, and
ha\vkish n1ilitary presence overseas.
You might also be surpr ised at th e
exten t to which the Oba111a ad111inistration
has furthered 111ilitary expansio n. With
Democrats in contro l we've continued to wage
\var in Afgha nistan and Iraq, to say noth ing
of what goes on at the 721 US military bases
scatte red across oth er countries around th e
\vorld. Oba111asigned the Nat ional Defense


Whythe electiondoes

Authorization Act into law, allo\ving ind efinite
detention or assassination of US citizens
v,ithout a trial, extended the Patriot Act, has
personal ly approved drone str ikes, and failed to
close Guantana n10 Bay. While Romney hasn't
been in a position to make these choices, I've
never heard him criticize O bama over then1.
1l1is isn't to say that nothing's going
to change or that there's no point in voting ,
as they do have son1e significant policy
differences. Oba111ais known for a health care
reforn1 bill based on a plan Romney himself
enacted as governor of Massachusetts. Despite
thi s, Ron111ey is pub licly denouncing the
reforn1s that he hin1self started . And 'A'hile
Obama is pro-choice, Romney believes firmly
in the right of the state to control \von1en's
bod ies. Ron1ney also supports policies tha t
n1ake it extren1ely difficult for und ocumented
im n1igrants to work, despite the fact tha t in
20 l 0, they paid more in taxes th an he did
(Chan, 2012 ). Both candi dates are n1en1bers
of th e l %, but \vhile Oba111a
's \vealth is
estin1ated son1ewhere in the high seven
figures, Ron1ney's private empir e tips the scale
at approxi111ately $200 million (Riley, 2012).
Both are disconnected from the poor and
middle classes, but for Romney this is true to
an extreme.
Perhaps more in1portant is the fact that
th e 111ainst
rea111red-blue political conversat ion
only addresses a very narrow section of a 111uch
wider political spectrum. Focusing too closely
on the liberal-conservative divide means
ignoring n1any otl1er possible patt erns of
political organizatio n.
1l1e Republicrat party presents itself as
th e on ly cho ice. Millions vote for the lesser of
t\Vo evils, conv inced that anything else is naive
and in1practica l. Outside cand idates like the
Green Party's Jill Stein are seen as a joke for
even attempting to break into the closed t'A' O
party system. Even though many progressives
kn o\v Obama won't enact the policies tha t they
support, they are discouraged from supporting
th e candida te \vho would. There's son1ething


\Vrong \Vith a system which, by creat ing the
illusion of only t\Vo political possibilities,
bullies people into voting against the ir true
values. Still, I can't wholeheart edly endorse
fringe cand idates for fear of splitti ng the leftist
vote and endin g up with a unified right.
ly put, our electoral systen1 is in
need of serious refonn , but that reforn1 won't
be achieved solely th rough voting . You sho uld
vote. It's one of the fe\v \vays you're given
anything resen1bling a voice in this system.
Bur that's no t an invitati on to ,valk out of the
voting booth with anything resembling a sense
of accomp lishn1ent. As Ho,vard Zinn worde d
it, "Voting is easy and 111arginal ly useful, but
it's a poor substitu te for den1ocracy, whic h
requires direct actio n by concerned citizens."
Votin g is \vhat they let you do. ·rrue
den1ocracy happens 'A'henyou go beyond what
the syste111allows and create grassroots change
in your co111
111unitybeyon d \vhat presidential
chips you buy.

Chan , Jacinda. "Illegal Immigrants Paid More Taxes Than Romney in 20 10 ." PolicyMic. N.p., Aug . 20 12. Web. 25 Aug . 20 12.
Riley , Charles. "Rom ney's Elusive Net worth Calculation ." CNNMoney. Cable News Netwo rk. 27 Jan. 20 12. Web . 25 Aug. 201 2.











uebec Student
s t r i k e ! AnInternationalStudentMovement










































What's the difference between a Canadian college
student and an American collegestudent?

Con1parison: UC and Quebec Fee lncreases from 1990-20 11
, 12,500

That might sound like the opening to a joke, but
there 's more to the question than that. Students in the
US and Canada inherit different political histories, and
as a result, favor very different strategies \Vith regard to
activis1n and organizing in universities. So, in the hope
of building a stronger student 111ovement here in the
UC, this essay attempts to identify some helpful pointers
from our neighbors across the border.
In mainstream US conversation, the subject of
politics refers al,nost exclusively to elections and
legislation. Voting, donating, petitioning, lobbying and
awareness-raising are the basic modes of participation
in political projects in
this country, and this is
reAected in the strategies
adopted by students "vho hundreds
push for greater quality and
accessibility in our education
systen1s. When quality and
accessibility in the UC are down
jeopardized by tuition hikes andmaking
and cuts to programs , our
student government 's default
response 1s to organize
and lobbying trips to the
capitol. Strict adherence to
governmental rules and procedures is the nonn; anything
resembling civil disobedience or strategic disruption is
dismissed as unrealistic and impractical, even foolish.
TI1is perspective ignores the 1nost significant victories of
UC student organizing, all of v.rhich were won through
the use of strikes, walkouts and other mass actions.
TI1e Free Speech Movement, Berkeley's Ethnic Studies
progran1, and the 1980s' Anti-Apartheid Divesunent
Campaign are a few examples.
But student organizations behind much of this era's
activis,n suffer fron1 selective amnesia with regard to the
strateg ies of past generations. How is chis different from
what happens in Canada? For context, it's important
to know that public universities in Canada are going
through the same crisis that we're experiencing here at

s I 0,000


I 5,000

-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1-- - -- - - - - -- - - ,_- - - - - - - - - ,-_ - -- ,_ -, - --- - -- - - - -

- -- - -- -

UC fcc5


-- -






., -






;- - ,...,

1w 1 1m





- -- - 190& 200)




- ---



12,500 . :V'I




- - - -, ,_

-- - .




-- --

-- -- - -


2002 2004 !006 'lOOt '211
2001 wm 200s 2001 2009 2011

OuiJnet, Jvlichele. "La belle vie". La Presse. Retrieved August
31,20 12.

the UC. TI1e Canadian govern,nent has been steadily
cutting resources for educat ion and other social services,
resulting in fee increases and class cuts 1nuch like v,,1e see
in California.
In early February , Quebecois (keh-beh-kwah)
government officials announced a 75% tuition increase,
fron1 $2 , 168 to $3,793 per year. (UC students pay
more than that every quarter). In response , students
v.ralked out of classrooms and into the streets. Within
weeks, hundreds of thou sands of students \Vere on strike ,
shutting do\vn universities and making de,nands for
radical reform of education systems in the province. This
mass mobilization v.ras organized through a coalition of
three large student groups, FEUQ , FECQ, and CLASSE,
each of whi ch was composed of a number of smal ler
groups working in solidarity with each other (Lavey &
Tomlinson , 2012) .
It's extren1ely important to note that the strike didn 't
co1ne from a call put out by th e elected representatives of
the organizations listed above. Instead, it grew organically
fron1 directly democratic general assemblies similar to
those made famous by the Occupy 1nove1nent. Each
acade1nic departn1ent in a Quebecois university has its
own student assemb ly, wh ich is part of a larger student
union, but votes independently on whether or not to
participate. Assembly after asse111blyapproved the strike
until it had snowballed into a movement that rocked the



entire province (TI1orburn, 2012). The scale of th e disruption
was so vast that university officials cancelled the rest of the
school term, and Quebecois legislators hurried to pass a lavvthat
would level hefty fines against anyone picketing at a college or
demonstrating within 50 meters of university property. Students
responded with blatant disregard for the la'vv:a few days after it
passed, some 300 ,000 people asse1nbled in the streets for the
biggest act of civil disobedience in Canadian history. By then,
the rebellion had also spread beyond th e student body, vvith
participation fron1 various labor unions. At the same tim e, the
education sector uprising began to shift the national dialogue
around the province 's current election. Keys componen ts of the
1nain opposition party's platform are a reversal of th e fee increase
and a repeal of the anti-protest lavv.
By the end of the school year, the Quebecois governn1ent
had offered some minor concessions, ,vhich ,vere rejected by a
1najority of the striking students. 1l1e concessions consisted of
1neasures to soften the blow of the tuition increases through a
variety of payn1ent plans, but these proposals fall far short of
stud ents' goals. 1l1e difficulty of negotiation lay in the fact that
1nany students don 't simply want lower tuition; they see the ir
actions in the context of an effort to create a society free from
the specter of corporate capitalism. In thi s way, the objectives of
the Quebec student movement more closely resemb le those of
Occupy Wall Street than any more traditional education reform
Our peers in Quebec are acting on a drastically different


political model than the one we're accustomed to here. In
this model, power lies in the ability of a person (and more
i1nportanrly a group of people) to choose whether or not to
partic ipate in a system. There
is no university without
students, and th ere is no
tuiti on without a university.
UC students cou ld learn
much from the example
set by our transnational
accomplices. The Quebec
strike erupted shortly after
students in Puerto Rico shut
do,vn lOoutthe 11 can1puses
of the national university for
nvo months , in an attempt
to prevent a 50% tuition
increase (Gonzalez, 2011).
In Chile , tens of thousands
of students participated in a
seven -mon th strike that has evolved into a broader movement to
revamp sections of th e Chilean constitution (Robichaud, 2011 ).
Governments around the world are trying to privatize public
universities in accordance ,vith neoliberal agendas, and students
are resisting. They 're not lobbying elected representatives:
they're pulling th e supports out from under th e systen1 that is
responsible for the crisis.

don't simply
ofaneffortto createa



"20 12 Quebec Student Protests." Wikipedia. Wikimed ia Founda tion, 25 Aug. 2012. Web . 25 Aug. 20 12.
Gonzalez , Juan . "Student Strike at University of Puerto Rico Roc ks Island and Sparks Politic al Crisis." New York Daily News. N.p., 16 Feb. 2011.
Web . 25 Aug. 2012.
Lavey , Nate, and Rachel Tomlinson . "Translating th e Printemps Erab le." A Primer on the Protests in Quebec. N .p., n.d. Web. 26 Aug. 2012.
"Ma rois De clares PQ Priorities as Charest Re signs ." CBCnews . CBC/Radio Ca nada, 05 Sep . 2012 . Web. 06 Sep. 20 12.
Robi chaud, Olivi er. "Educati on and the Free Market Don't Mix, Say Chilean Proteste rs ." University Affairs, 11 July 2011 . Web. 25 Aug . 2012.
Thorb ur n, Elise. "Translating the Assemb ly: Stude nt Organizing Beyon d Quebec." Viewpoint Magazine. N.p ., 20 J uly 2012. Web. 07 Aug. 2012.
[PHOTO :) Jeang agnon (Own work ) [CC-BY-SA-3 .0 (htt p://creativeco mmo ns.o rg/lice nses/by -sa/3 .0)), via Wikimedia Commons


Five Theses on the

Student Strike
r. As students we strike at the heart of t he

economy that depends on the educational
system that exploits us, disciplines us, and
pro fits off us.

To strike as students is to recognize ourselves as \Yorkers in
the present and future econon1y. Our labor is necessary to
reproduce an educational syste1n which is a source of profit
and plunder for the 1% and a source of disciplined and
exploitable economic labor. So long as the employing class
profits off our knowledge , we should not pay tuition and be
plunged into debt in to be e1nployable. Instead , we
should be guaranteed a \vage to learn.

We strike to reject a system t hat divides us.
We strike because our desire to learn must not be used to
n1aintain violent social divisions. We reject a system that
exploits our differen ces and divides us along race, gender,
and class lines. We are taught that education is our best
1neans to "get ahead" in life, yet many are also left behind,
devalued, or simply discarded. We reject a syste1n that forces
us into vicious competition and pits us against one another.


We strike against a failing system that
robs us of our future.
We strike against the devaluation of our education through
austerity m easures, rising tuition, and budget cuts. We strike
against being doomed to a lifelong debt, constant retraining
and re-skilling, and against a system that saddles us with
the cost of producing exploitable workers for the market.
We refuse an educational systen1 governed by the dictates of
competition, individualism , and profit.


We strike to affirm and create the education
we wa nt.
We strike for an educational system that serves our collective
needs and desires. We want to be decision-1nakers in our
collective future , for kno'vvledgeto be a genuine commons
and not a source of profit.

v. We strike to build our collective power and
create something new.
To strike is to realize our pov,rerto determine our everyday
lives. We refuse to let our bodies and our 1ninds be held
hostage to the current educational and work regimes , to
collaborate quickly as the violent logic of capital bankrupts
us of our present and future. We strike together to bui ld a
better "vorld and reclaim our future.
"Five Theses on the Student Strike." Tidal Mar. 2012: 14. Print.
Sy students at CUNY G1adua1e Center. first publiih ed in TKlal.


Consensus, &
Tftouf(ht Pro cesses oj.,t So cirLlJl1o()e1
If you ,vere critically engaged with the "Obamney"
artic le ( P.21 ) , you n1ight now be thinking about "vhat
to do outside the voting booth. Fortunately, you've got
options. As is evident fro1n a look at the "Timeline
of Local Activism" ( P.57 ) , there are several related
can1paigns around which students and community
members are currently organizing. If you get involved in
resistance to campus expansion, efforts to de -militarize
the university, or the campaign for Critical Race and
Ethnic Studies (CRES) , you will parti cipate in a lot of
meet ings.
Behind every rally, march, and campus shutdo"vn
are dozens of hours of meetings. Face to face interaction
between organizers is essential for the development of
a clear goal and strategy, and for the coordination of
tasks that go into carrying it out . Meetings are too ls for
collective proble1n solving, decision 1naking, planning,
reporting , and evaluating. After a productive meeting ,
there often are flyers to be posted, class announcements
to be scheduled , and messages to be conveyed to other
students, faculty, staff, and administrators.
Not everyone has the patience or free time to
participate in steady flow of meetings that are at the core
of leftist grassroots organizing at UCSC. Not everyone
has to , either. As long as you're ,villing to keep yourself
informed, talk with other peop le, and show up for mass
actions , you're doing pretty well.
Meetings can alternately be exciting , boring ,
thought -provoking, mind-numbing, exhausting and
energizing, depending on the purpose of the meeting,
the behavior of its participants , the skill of the facilitator ,
and other factors. The effectiveness and tolerability of a
meeting are heavily influenced by the extent to which
its participants are familiar "vith the process being used.
For the past few years at UCSC, most student
organizing meetings have operated with a 'consensusbased' process. This comes from a belief in the
importance of the principles behind pure consensus,



coupled ,vith the understanding that we're organizing around
issues from ,vhich much controversy inevitably arises. In the
interest of fostering familiarity with the 1nechanics of this
practice , what follows is an introduction to to consensus -based

Consensus is a process for group decision-111aking. It is a
1nethod by v,hich an entire group of people can come to an
agreement. The input and ideas of all participants are gathered
and synthesized to arrive at a final decision acceptable to all.
Through consensus , we are not on ly working to achieve better
solutions, but also to promote th e growth of community and

Voting is a 1neans by which v,e choose one alternative from
several. Consensus , on the other hand, is a process of synthes izing
1nany diverse elen1en ts together. Simple majority voting is a win
or lose model, in which people are 1nore concerned with the
numbers it takes to "win" than ,vith the issue itself Voting does
not take into account individual feelings or needs. In essence,
it is a pri1narily quantitative, rather than qualitative , n1ethod of
Wit h consensus process , people attemp t to work through
differences toget her and synthesize seemingly contradictory
ideas. Consensus depends on people's ability to talk peacefully
about their differences and reach a mutually satisfactory
position. Sometimes , one person 's insights or strongly held
beliefs can sway the ,vhole group. Ideally, no ideas are lost, and
each member's input is valued as part of the solut ion.

Consensus does not mean that everyone thinks that the
decision made is necessarily the best one , or even that they
are sure it will work. What it does mean is that in con1ing to
that decision , no one felt that his/her position on the matter
was misunderstood or that it ,vasn't given proper hearing. It
also means that the final decision doesn't violate someone's
fundamental moral values, for if it did, they would be obliged
to block consensus. Hopefully, everyone will think it's th e best
decision; this often happens because , ,vhen it works , collective
intelligence does come up ,vith better solutions than individuals.
But, it n1ay occasionally not, and then th e decision may just be
the one supported by the most people. Those who object can do
one of several thing s:
• _\lo 11-s 11ppo1'1: "/ rifJll 't see rli e 111::e

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11/fo( v t/ 11::f!,'f'r111ptr1 supp ort tl1is."

• vVil.111lra\ViJtg Ft·ou1 tltt' gnH1p.
Obviously, if n1any people express non-support
reservations, stand aside, or leave th e group , it may not be a
viable decision even if no one directly blocks it. This is ,vhat is
known as a "lukewarm" consensus and it is just as desirable as a
lukewarn1 beer or a luke,vann bath.

During discussion a proposal for resolution is put fonvard.
It is amended and modified through 1nore discussion , or
withdrawn if it seems to be a dead end. When a proposal
seems to be well understood by everyone, and there are no
ne,v changes asked for, th e facilitators can ask if th ere are any
objections or reservations to it. If there are no objections , there
can be a call for consensus. If there are still no objections , th en
after a moment of silence you have your decision. Only the
beginning , of course, no,v you have to carry it through. Once
consensus does appear to have been reached, it really helps to
have so1neone repeat the decision to the group so everyone is
clear on ,vhat has been decided.
The fundamental right of consensus is for all people to be
able to express the1nselves in th eir own words and of their own
will. The fundamental responsibility of consensus is to assure
others of their right to speak and be heard. Coercion and trad eoffs are replaced ,vid1 creative alternatives , and compromise
with synthesis.

Rolesina consensus-based
There are several roles wh ich, if filled, can help consensus
decision-making run sn1oothl y. The facilitator(or cofacilitators ) aids the group in defining decisions mat need be
made, helps them through the stages of reaching an agreement,
keeps the 1neeting 111oving,focuses discussion to the point at
hand, makes sure everyone has the opportunity to participate,
and formulates and tests to see if co nsensus has been reached.
Facilitators help to direct th e process of the meeting , not its
content. They never make decisions for the group. If a facilitator
feels too emo tionall y involved in an issue or discussion and
cannot remain neutral in behavior , if not in attitude, then s/he
should ask someone to take over the task of facilitation for that
agenda item .
A vibes-watcher
is someone besides the facilitator who
watches and comments on individual and group feelings and
patterns of participation. Vibes-,vatchers need to be especially
tuned in to the surfacing of sexism, racism and other oppressive
patterns in group dynan1ics.
A recorder
can take notes on the meeting , especially of




decisions made and means of implementation and a timekeeper keeps things going on schedule so that each agenda
item can be covered in the ti1ne allotted for it (if discussion
runs over the time for an item, the group may or n1ay not
decide to contract for 1nore time to finish up).
Even though individuals take on these roles, all
participants in a meeting should be aware of and involved
in the issues, process, and feelings of the group, and
should share their individul expertise in helping the group
run s1noothly and reach a decision. This is especially true
when it comes to finding co1npromise agreements to
seemingly contradictory positions.

The goal of every decision-making process is not to
decide on a solution, but also to carry out that plan of
action. Without subsequent action, decisions are totally
1neaningless. TI1is is often overlooked. It seems that a
person 's com1nitment to any decision is in proportion to
their sense of participation in that decision. Consensus
attempts to involve all members of a group, not just the
Consensus clearly takes more time than a simple
vote. But the added time can be vie"ved in relation to the
increased probability of the decision being carried out;
longer decision time but shorter i1nplementation time.
Most deadlock situations are , however, n1ixed up ,vith
emotions. If the root of so1neone's objections to a proposal
is really th eir personal dislike for the proponent(s), then
hopes for resolution are virtua lly nil until these personal
issues are addressed. For consensus to \vork, the group
1nust be able to identify and work out emotional problems
and feelings.

When many small clusters of organizers are operating
in a large group , each cluster can select one person to act
as their spokesperson. TI1ese "spokes" carry affinity group's
opinions and proposals to spokescouncils of all the affinity
groups' reps; th ey are not empo,vered to make any final
decisions ,vithout first consulting their affinity groups
(un less it is a pre-detern1ined e1npowered spokesco uncil ).
Spokes do try to consolidate, synthesize , and iron out
differences between proposals so as to create a proposal(s)
agreeab le to all. Inforn1ation is then relayed back to the
affinity groups by spokes, the issues at hand reconsidered,
and a new position (or perhaps the same old one) is
reached. These positions are once again brought to the
spokescouncil. If consensus is reached, great. If not , the
process may be repeated again or the group may decide to
return to the previously agreed upon position.

Occupy Wall Street
01ie Jrear later:A revic,-V,celchratio1t,
a,id critiq,tc
For many observers , Occupy represents th e foundational
mon1ent for people's political strugg le, not just nationally,
but internationally. But to interpret the move1nent like
this obscures the important role played by agitator s across
the world to prepare occupiers for this moment. In 2009 ,
struggles for squats and land lit up across Florida. Workers
seized factories in Chicago and Paris. Students in Ca lifornia,
New York, and London shut down schoo ls in strikes and
roving occupation campaigns. Riots against racisn1 roared
fron1 Oakland to Eng land. TI1e unemployed you th of the
Arab ,vorld overturned autocracy. This list is by no 1neans
It's difficult to speak about the multitude of social ruptures
that have e1nerged over the last few years ,vith much u11ity.
TI1ey have been disparate in location , participants and goals,
and that 1nakes it hard to grasp as a contiguous whole. Occupy,
if nothing else, gave us a name that evokes th e 1nany struggles
working people have been locked in over the past year.
Still, Occupy itself is a high-,vater mark 1no1nent for
protest and rebellion in our tin1e. Within weeks of the
movement 's birth, Occupy camps had popped up in thousands
of towns across the nation, and terms coined by the movement
were on everyone's lips. Com1nunity members were delivered
back into forn1erly foreclosed homes, the brutality of po lice
regimes was exposed, labor struggles found support from the
une1nployed, and n1assive blockades cut into the profits of
financia l giants. For the first time in decades, the exploited
experimented with ways of fighting against the cards they were
consc iou sly dealt by elites. And for the first ti1ne in decades ,
elites were listening. The tone of the debate in Washington




changed, even if policy didn' t; a sure recognition that th e
people up top are afraid of the displays of discontent below.
Occupy delivered a vision for what protest should be.
Not a stir which v.rould coerce the bankers, bosses, and
politicians to make our exploit ation a littl e bit fairer, but
instead a real disruption of the normal rhythm of that
exploitation; food distributed and healthcare provided
to some who had hardly seen it. Shelter and com1nunity
and all the other stuff v.reneed to get by was found,
free of charge . By providing for folks' daily needs , even
provisionally , Occupy enabled us to live without returning
to the typical sites of social reproduction, ever rife with
oppression: be it the broken and battered homes, th e street
corners, th e shitty jobs, the cramped classrooms. With
our needs provided for us , we could live together and
develop collective practices, eroding away the parts of us
that ,vere an int ernalization of the world Occupy ,vas fighting
discontent, and have room and resources to undern1 ine
against: our own greed, property, and prejudice. Living in
oppression. The camps didn't just provide food, she lter,
ensemble and fighting in solidarity corroded that debilitating
housing and community; they also provided a n1ultiplicity of
fear that comes with precarious work and its debts. But our
connections that enab led a diverse array of actions against the
socially-guaranteed needs also gave us time to spread our little
totality that is capitalism, patriarchy , and apartheid.
comn1unes, generalizing the disruption of exploitation. With
Despite the need to applaud O ccupy, it still has
recognizable li,nits. While the fonn of its
needs provided, we could focus on projects
Protest ought to be protest presents a radical break with waged
that mattered to us: combat ing the system
that robbed us of decent lives.
something more
work, property and hierarchies stetnming from
This isn't to say that Occupy successfully than a means of
this shitty capitalist system, the content was
eli,ninated our dependence on the ,vorld of
pressure that gets
often tim es less than poignant. All too often
us a temporary seat we became fixated on a symbolic gathering
waged ,vork. But thousands of unemployed
or underemployed folk found the support
at the negotiating
outside of a bank. Highlighting the role of
table; protest is
finance capital in creating the mess that ,ve're
and purpose they ,vere looking for. General
like a break with
strike s, port blockades and ca1npus
in is crucial, but this tactic did nothing to help
us live in a world without banks; it just asked,
shutdowns temporarily lib erated more people the regular rhythm
while the media ,vas watching, for politicians
from the grips of ,vage labor, and each action of our world. And
th at break gives us (who are already in the banks pockets) , to do
saw the size of th e occupy can1ps gro,v,
space to actively
if only for a limited ti1ne. This is what is
so,nething to alleviate our economic 111isery.
n1eant ,vhen Occupy declares that it has "no
construct the world On this accord , Occupy has failed; banksters
we want to live in.
demands"; protest ought to be something
and speculators have not seen crimina l
1nore than a 1neans of pressure that gets us a
charges , largely because under capitalis,n , their
ten1porary seat at the negotiating table; protest is like a break
schemes are legal. In other moments , some co1nrades would
wit h the regular rhythtn of our ,vorld. And that break gives us
put together a 'list of demands' requesting government jobs
space to actively construct the ,vorld we ,vant to live in.
for all the unemployed. But our critiques levied in th e camps
Occupy operates through son1ething philosopher Walter
always extended further than our joblessness. It was also about
Benjamin called 'pure means'. It finds its just ification ,vi thin
the inh erently exploitative nature of work. It questioned why
its o,vn activity and not in some end th at it produces through
workers only receive pennies of their companies profits. It
causality. So much of protest relies on the teleology of creating
asked ,vhy 1nost of our ,vork was alienating paper-pushing that
particular ends; if we draw enough attention to an issue, or
beget itself and nothing more. It asked why there were always
educate enough potential voters, than we can make th e world
more people than jobs, when there seemed to be so much work
we want. Occupy, while certainly retaining a syn1bolic and
to be done.
educational edge, was principally about working to create
And th ese are just the more or less ideological problems,
spaces free of oppression for bodies to organize attacks on
paling in comparison to the many technical problems that
oppression. Occupy was a space where folks from different
occupiers still face; from overco1ning police violence to
backgrounds could con1e together, recognize their common
figuring out how to meet our needs outside the framework


of capitalism. In other words, so1ne of Occupy's most
pressing ills can only be cured with 1nore occupations, 1nore
experimentation and greater disruption. Occupy supporters
n1ust look beyond tent encampments and toward building
takeovers , disruptions of commerce on a grand scale. It must
look toward ways to bringing food, healthcare, education, joy
and decision making processes to the people usually deprived
direct access to it. Occupy attacked the commodity circulation
of the aforementioned needs by delivering them for free. The
camp as a space for the production and distribution of those
needs is long gone. Throughout the winter police evicted

occupiers from camps, arresting the possibility of their return
at every n1ajor action since. So we must face th e reality that the
camps are not likely to con1e back. But we can find new spaces,
places, and venues for our struggle. Millions of homes and
buildings remain vacant; factories and schools are being closed;
arable land lies empty.
Occupy was preceded by countless instances of agitation,
and in the 1nonths to con1e, Occupy ,viii be followed by more
rebellion. This rebellion may not carry the Occupy banner,
but it will certainly carry with it the new strategies of struggle
popularized by the encampments.


In fall 2009, 1-ve
faced sizable
impendingbudgetcuts and tuition
increases,that we, as students,
faculty, and workers,feared with
good reason,wouldn'tstop unless
we stoppedit. It was duringthis
period when studentsat UCSanta
Cruz resurrectedan old organizing
tacticthat hadn't been employed
in Americanuniversitieson a wide
scalefor some time - the occupation.

It ,vas an overnight hit - the
1nedia buzzed , but more importantly
students from across the state, and the
world, cheered on and emulated UCSC
students. A building occupat iontaking over buildings and spaces with
a group of students, as in the case of
Kerr Hall here- is used to achieve
strategic goals: ranging from concessions
from the university in negotiations,
to the recovery and "liberation" of an
organizing space for further political
1nobilization. At its most radical, some
sabotage of spaces may inevitab ly occur
in order to perform essential services.
The occupation itself is a little







difficult to describe. It's an often joyful,
intense experience where adrenaline
courses through your body, as you begin
to feel, for perhaps the first time in your
life, what a con1muni ty can really be. So
1nany bodies Aow in and out through
these spaces, some collide and forn1 new
groups, separate and start over again. At
its best, its more fun and satisfying man
anything else college has on offer.

There are no1ninally t\vo types of
occupations. "Soft" occupations seek
to keep doors open in a literal sort of

way, as windows and doors are left
without barricades. TI1is type of takeover
assumes some sufficient political power
or movement , meaning you think
you can hold onto the space by sheer
popular suppor t. This is an excellent
1nethod if there are large numbers of
people involved , as it allows for ne,v
people to co1ne and join the occupation
who might be excited at the prospect
of so1nething actually happening.
Insuffi cient political po,ver, ho,vever, will
1nost certainly result in a situation where
the police ,viii come ,vith the intent of
arresting as many people as possible. The
only offshoot of this is, of course, when



there is something else that can be levied
against those who might call the cops,
typically a threat of intensive property
The second type, a "hard"
occupation, seeks to make it as difficult
as possible for the authorities to enter
the premises. This is done through
the usage of c-cla1nps, truck ties (both
are inexpensive and can be found at
your local hardware store), and an
imaginative utilization of movable
furniture in the building itself. The
idea here being to garner support on
the outside, while those inside locking
the building down create a space for a
demonstration to come. It's important
in this circumstance to alv,ays plan for
support outside - because tactically,
tho se on the outside can make it
especially difficult for police to gain
entry into the building.
These t\-vomethods are not exactly
1nutually exclusive. In fact, the 1nethod
that ,vas utilized during the Kerr Hall
Administrative Building occupation
at UCSC was a combinatio n of both
types- where a 1noven1ent of stud ents
n1ade it possible. All en tryways,
windows, etc., ,vere barricaded ,vith
the except ion of the front door , which
allo,ved for an ongoing f!o,v of bodies
and essential materials. Further, the front
doors, while not enclosed, were prepared
for barricading at the first ,vhiff of a

Most i1nportant to the occupation
is not the occupation itself, but its
placen1ent in an overall strategy. A
building occupation is as good as its
overall planning , both the planning that
goes into its execution, and the planning
of ,vhat to do after there is a successful
takeover. One cardinal failure of the
Kerr Hall occupat ion of 2009 ,vas that
it never thought of itself outside of th e
Kerr Hall building itself. Hundreds
and hundreds of people can1e at
various tin1es, spent the night , provided


1naterials, support, barricaded themselves
outside, served as lookout s, sabotaged
cop routes , etc. But instead of lookin g
to expand, to continue facilitating an
ongoing campus takeover, it was decided
to ,vait and hold the space hostage. The
sad fact is that this is an unsustainable
practice; much like an polar version of
the multinational corporat ion, which
1nust expand or die, we too must
continue to expand, take over, destroy
business as usual, and continue to build
a broad-based anti-austerity 1nove1nent.
Occupations are acts of
disobedience. We discovered that
creating new friendships and solidarity
across difference requires installing a
ne,v social landscape on the university
ca1npus. We used our bodies-the force
of our collective physical presence in a
space- as a barrier to protect this ne,v
social landscape from a hostile outside
,vorld. The adm inistration labeled these
atte1npts to open spaces to new relational
1nodes as "violen t." They criminalized
our friendships. Accordingly , the police
were called upon to separa te us from
one another. If our arms or hands were
linked, they tore us apart. If we stood
in a cluster, they brok e us up into
isolated monads. If we made collective
decisions , the ad1ninistration blamed

and disciplined a fe,v individuals. Where
coercion did not work, th ey attacked
our bodies ,vith pepper spray, billy club s
and brute force. It is deeply symptomatic
of th e society in which we live that the
security of ph ysical property counts for
1nore than the vibrancy and happiness of
human life. Occupations exposed these
fucked up priorities.
Occupations also revealed th e
an1bivalent function of universities in
our society. Universities give students
the opportunity to envision sweeping
transformations of everyth ing from
the way the world works to the way
they make love. At the same ti1ne,
universities are tools for socializing
students, teaching them ho,v to obey
orders and confonn to norms. They
equip us with intellectual faculties for
questioning society, but also reproduce
its structures of inequality, exploitation
and social contro l. Within the highly
regimented university experience ,
building occupations opened our minds
to ways that we might of take control of
our situa tion and transform the ,vorld.
Occupations taught us that global
structures of capitalism can be contested
in the here and now \.Vitha small group
of committed individuals deciding th at
inaction is no long er an option.





UC unions stand with student s for quality, accessible
education and good jobs for Californi a!


n your first ,veeks at UCSC you will probably do son1e, if
not all, of the following things: buy books at the Baytree
Bookstore ; stand in line for a new student ID; eat meals in th e
dining halls; take showers in a regular ly cleaned dorm bathroom,
and throw last night's beer cans into the just-emptied dumpster
outside your building.
As you do each of these things, take a minute to consider what
is happening around you. This university is staffed by thousands
of people who do everything from teach your classes to clean
your common room. Consider that it is these people v.1ho make
your university experience here possible. The university works
because they do.
Unfortuna tely, the University of California, which functions
essentially as one of the largest corporations in the state ( SEE
"KNOW YOUR REGENTS" P.9 ), also has one of the worst reputations
as an employer. From its inception , the UC has been charged
with labor violations: unsafe ,vorking conditions, poverty-level
wages, and refusal to negotiate in good faith with labor unions .
Labor unions are the prin1ary organizations that represent
workers and negotiate for their rights with their employers. They
protect workers fron1 un lawful tern1ination and harassment, and
organize to increase job security, vvagesand opportunities against
the incessant rollbacks of corporations and our government. Most
in1portandy, labor unions can build solidarity among groups of
people "vho are all interested in the same thing: impro ving their
abi lity to defend their rights and the value of their labor - no
simple task at UC. Interested primarily in prestige, power and
profit, the adn1inistrators and Regents of the university can be
counted on to fight each year against the legally justified and
entirely reasonable requests of its emp loyees. And for ,vhat ?
UC is a public institution , and yet it puts away record profits
every fiscal close. Why? Because it's priorities have nothing to do
with itnproving education and the co,nmunities on and around
ca1npuses. Rather than respect the surrounding con1n1Lmities
and th e ,vorkers who con1e from then1, the university treats them
as expendable. TI1is does not even come close to constituting a
public service; instead, it is based ent irely in private interests and
on private models , only this corporation uses public funds and
the fees and tuition of many hardworking students to serve th e
already rich and powerful.
The university can more than afford to tak e on its role as a
public institution properly , to treat its emp loyees with dignity,

and to keep its doors open to all students who wish to learn.
Instead , it edges out 1nore and more students with each fee hike
and tuition increase. Instead, it denies its en1ployees salaries
that n1eet the cost of living, and irnposes greater and greater
v,orkloads on the same number of workers, directly decreasing
the quality of education and student life at UCSC.

Know Your UC Unions:

UCAFT: lecturers and librarians
UPTE: technical wor kers, inc luding rr and
Media Services
AFSCME 3299: service w orkers, including
dining hall, custodi al and groundskee pers
at UCSC, and patient ca re workers at UC's
medical ce nters
UCSWU-UAW 2865: (UC student w orkers
union) teaching assistants, readers, and tuto rs.
CUE-Teamsters: c lerica l and office wor kers
UCAFT, UPTE , AFSCME 3299 , and the
UCSWU-UAW 2865 w ill be bargaining
contrac ts over the next acade mic year; CUE
w ill not.

What happens to the surp lus money that the university
makes each year? It's clearly not going to workers. It's certa inly
not going to our overcrowded classrooms, shrinking library or
overburdened TAs. Where is all of this rnoney going ?!And ,vhat
can we do to get it back?
The cornmi tm en t to stand up together for all v,orking
people's rights is one of the 1nost fu11da1nental principles of the
labor movement, both ethi cally and strategically. Solidarity - the
key to resistance- develops ,vhen we build personal connections
,vith the people in our communi ties. Get to know the people
,vho clean your dorms and classrooms, the people ,vho drive
your buses and process your financial aid paperwork. Building
relationships and alliances like this is not only crucial to resisting
the rollback of our education, it also gives us a glimpse of what is
lost in a system ,vhich prioritizes profit over people.




MaryVirginia Watson
UCSC Unit Chair, UAW 2865
This year, several unions representing UC
workers vvill be bargaining their employment
contracts with the university. The outcome of their
struggle vvill have wide-reaching effects on the
quality of education and campus life for students,
as well as for those of us who might work at UC in
th e future.
Manage1nent at UC is pushing to consolidate
funding and control at the top, while cutting
workers' retirement security and healthcare, and
freezing already-low wages at current levels.
Worse still, the UC is moving ahead with plans
to outsource union jobs to non-union workers.
This means many UC jobs that pay a living wage
and come with health and pension benefits will
be transformed into jobs that pay poverty wages
and come with no benefits-continuing
the trend
of rising economic inequality that has created the
. ..
current economic cr1s1s.
In the past, workers and students have joined
forces to tell the state and the Regents that the
university belongs to those who make it work students and workers. Together, we've blocked
fee increases that harm students and won good
contracts that benefit working families.

This will be an exciting year.
UC union workers, the UC student association,
and campus activists are more united than ever.
Throughout the year, we will be educating and
1nobilizing the campus community to stand up for
each other and the rights of Ca liforni ans to good
jobs and an affordable, quality education. We know
th at when we stand together, we stand to gain more
for us all.

To Learn More:
afscme3299 .org
teacht hebudget. org




204 L ,OCUS T S T·..,457-119 ·5

















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Dollars rtren 't green

As a student at UCSC, and as a resident of the Santa









Cruz community, you'll inevitably encounter parts of
the lively environmental 1nove1nent that exists here. You Graham, 2003).
n1ight become an active organizer in campaigns to 1nake
In other words , the university provides the brains
university life more sustainable, or you might participate behind many US war technologies, supporting the
by changing so1ne of your personal habits, or you might do military presence that enables globalized oil extraction
nothing at all to reduce your i1npact on the environn1ent. and consumption on an imn1ense scale. The relationship
Co1nmitment to environmental and social justice varies benveen the University of California and the military is
widely between the many different communities chat an old one: since 1943, every single nuclear weapon built
coexist here. If you're reading this, you ,nust at least be for the United States arsenal has been maintained by
curious about what we , the folks behind the Disorientation a UC-managed laboratory. Even if while we're on a UC
Guide, have to say about sustainability. With that, here are campus we recycle, compost, and bike everywhere, we're
two points to keep in 1nind any time your hear the v,ords still complicit in the fun ctioning of one of the US military
'green', 'eco-friendly', or 'sustainable'.
en1pire's many research engines. An understanding of this
relationship 1notivates much of the student organizing that
goes into campus shutdowns at UCSC. One of the most
explicit examples of such student action was in 2003 at the
beginning of the second Iraq war ( SEE ..uc AND WAR..P 13 ) .
At a more local scale, the physical expansion of the
UCSC campus threatens ecosystems , and promises to
UCSC is often praised as a leader in advancing exacerbate regional water shortages. Over the next decade
sustainability , with son1e justification. On campus you'll UC administrators hope to build 2100 ne,v parking
notice recycling bins, compost containers, bike racks , spaces , 14 acres of sports facilities, Co llege 11, and more,
water bottle refill stations , and other fonns of ecologically in ,vhat are now undeveloped parts of ca,npus. You can't
conscious infrastructure. Organizations like the Student build susta inably in a redwood forest. 1he growth would
Environmental Center \<York with administration
to be accompanied by the enrollment of 2000 additional
increase the proportion of renev,able energy and local food students , and a correlated increase in the campus ' ,vater
purchased by the school. Compared with other universities , usage. TI1isissue ties the actions of the university directly to
we're doing pretty ,veil.
local politics off the hill, where city officials are considering
The statement chat UCSC is unsustainable refers to the constru ction of an energy-intensive desalination plant
operations that are less visible than our food, v,aste, and to stabilize the town 's water supp ly ("scwd2," 2009). One
transportation syste1ns. Here at UCSC and on other UC of the most notable examp les of student resistance to the
ca1npuses, 1nany faculty, graduate students and postdoctoral expansion at UCSC is the 2007 tree-sit, whi ch sought
researchers perform lab ,vork for the Department of to block the construction of the new Biomedical Facility
Defense and for private weapons manufacturers (Bond - that houses research for a number of phannaceuti cal

1.Tl1is 1~11ive1·sity is

corporations. The proposed construction projects ,vere
paid for by bonds backed by your tuition dollars, so
whether or not you think the expansion is a good idea,
you're indirectly paying for it ( SEE "LONG RANGE DEVELOPMENT
PLAN• P.37 ) .

2. ( ~1·ee

11 C<>11s 11111e 1·i s 111
<l<) es 11't ,v <>1·l<.
Within the past decade (especially in Santa Cruz
and other relatively affluent areas) , the availability
of 'environn1entally friendly' products has increased
dramatically. Organic food is on the she lves of many
grocery stores , biodegradable packaging is starting to
appear, and people look ing to buy a car now have several
hybrid models to choose fro1n. The environmentally
friendly product is more expensive than the conventional
one, but that 's a small price to pay for a liveable planet,
right? If ,ve all buy green, everything will be okay, right?
The problem is that many people don 't even have the
option of buying green. Millions who are unen1ployed
or living paycheck to paycheck can't afford to buy green,
regardless ,vhether they value sustainabil ity. Even if
everyone who has enough money ,vere to do so (highly


improbable), it wou ld make an insubstantial dent in
humanity's total greenhouse gas en1issions (Hami lton,

Green consumeris,n also "transfers responsibi lity
from the corporations mostly accountable for the
pollut ion , and the governments that should be restraining
them, onto the shoulders of private consumers"
(Hamilton , 2010). We should buy "green" produc ts if we
can afford to, but we should also understand that this is
only a minor placeho lder as we ,vork to dismantle the
institutions that n1ake corporate industrial environmenta l
degradation possib le. "Individua l consumption choices
are environ,nentally
i1nportant, but... control over
these choices is constrained, shaped , and framed by
institutions and political forces that can be remade on ly
throug h collective citizen action, as opposed to individua l
consumer behavior" (Alloway & Kochan , 2012). In other
words , an affluent individual consumer can choose a
Prius or a Chevy Volt over a gas-guzz ler, but can't choose
a socialized public transportation syste1n. An individual
consumer can choose a locally-grown veggie plate over a
Big Mac, but can't choose to end the 111assivegovernn1en t
subsidies that support the livestock industry as a whole .
Changes on a scale large enough to significantly reduce
greenhouse gas e,nissions can only be effected through
collective poli tical action.

Bond-G raham, Darwin. "University in Service of the Warfare State: The Baskin Study." Jndybay. Santa Cruz Independ ent Media Center, 04
June 200 3. Web. 05 Sep . 20 12.
Hamilton, Clive. Requiem for a Species: Why We Resist the Truth about Climate Change . London : Earthscan, 201 0. Print.
"scwd 2 Desalinatio n Program." City of Santa Cruz. N .p ., 200 9. Web . 04 Sep . 20 12.
Alloway, David, and Leslie Kochan. "Literature Review: Key Challenges in Sustainable Consumption .'' State of Oregon Department of
Environmental Quality, 03 Jan. 20 12 .

How to Go Green
(and undermine capit alism)

in three easy steps

1. Participate in collective action around
environmental issues.
In Santa Cruz today there are several large-scale local
environmental issues ,vhich can only be addressed through
collective action. Each of them is an opportunity for us to make
a far greater impact by ,vorking together than we could through
individua l acts.

The Long Range Development Plan (LRDP):
TI1e LRDP is the official plan for further construction on
the UCSC ca1npus. If it is implemented, ,ve will ,vitness the
i1nplanta tion of another residential college, four ,najor roads,
several large parking lots, and n1ore, within the next eight years.
The develop1nent is driven partly by a state law requiring the
UC to admit the top 12.5% of graduating high school seniors
in California ("Master Plan," 2004), and mostly by the UC




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Regents' use of the university as a for-profit, growth-oriented
institution. Reasons to oppose the expansion abound, and
are described in some derail on P 37. Every major phase of
expansion at UCSC has been met with resistance from students
and community 1nembers. For context, the most recent major
construction project "vas delayed for an entire year by treesitters and an encampment blockade. Students repelled po lice
attempts to clear the area several times over the course of the
year, but were forcefully dispersed in December 2008. Shortly
afterward, construction began on the new Biomedical Facility.
No major construction projects are scheduled for chis year (as
far as we know), but if the Regents have their way, expansion
will continue soon. If it does , there will likely be similar acts
of resistance. Keep an ear out. For now though, the fate of the
LRDP is tied up in the struggle over the desalination plant.
To learn more about the Long Range Devlopment Plan,

The Desalination Plant (Desai Plant):
Water in this area is in high de1nand ,vith co1nmercial farms,
the to,vn of Santa Cruz, and UCSC all competing for access to
limited sources of fresh water. Most of this water co1nes from
deep "veils, the San Lorenw River, s1naller streams, and the Loch
Lo1nond Reservoir. We're currently in a drought, which raises

demand even higher than average. As a result, local fanns are
pumping 1nore and more ,vater fron1 their ,veils, so much that
seawater is starting to get sucked into the pumping area, ruining
prime agricultural land. What 's n1ore, the expansion at UCSC
can only legally take place if city officials extend water rights to
the area on ,vhich developn1ent is proposed.
To cope "vith demands for water coming fron1 all angles,
the City of Santa Cruz is pushing for the construction of a
desalination plant. Desa lination plants are large industrial
facilities which re1nove salt from sea,vater to make usable
freshwater. The process of desalination is highly energy intensive,
which is a problem given Santa Cruis dependence on a coalfired power plant for most of its electricity. This means char if
the desal plant is built, we'll see a massive increase in greenhouse
gas emissions from Santa Cruz.
Com1nunity me1nbers have been ,vorking for months to
create an opportunity for Santa Cruz residents to vote on the
desal plant, in hopes chat the majority of the to,vn population
will decide against it. Students who oppose the LRDP have been
highly involved in this campaign because if the desal project
is scrapped, it'll be much more difficult for the City to extend
\,Vaterservice to the proposed development area on can1pus.
To learn more about this campaign, and to get involved,


2. Buy nothing
(or as little as you can get
away with)
It takes a lot of resources to produce
most of the stuff that we buy. Clo thing,
body products, electronic gadgets, cars,
and other consun1er goods require a wide
range of raw material to produce: plant
fiber, meta ls, petroleum distillates , water,
and electr icity, to name a few. We've grov,n
up in a world "vhere 20% of the ,vorld's
population consumes 80% of the earth's
natural resources, and it doesn 't seem to
be n1aking us any happier , as evidenced by
a 400 % increase in antidepressant use in
the US since 1988 (De Baca, 2012),(Diaz,
2008). What if the missing piece isn't in the
things we buy, but in the way we relate to

3. Go VeganNegetarian
Eating tneat is unsustainable for a
variety of reasons. Vast quantities of grain
are farmed to feed livestock, with 1nillions
of tons of CO 2 produced through the
accompanying fertilizer produ ction and
heavy-equipment operation (Koneswaran,
2012). Also, as ridiculous as it n1ay seem,
cow farts are a major source of greenhouse
gas emissions: the digestive tracts of cows
and other run1inant ani1nals account for
some 28% of the total methane from
human-re lated activity ("Livestock, " 2007 ).


On the who le, more than 51 % of globa l
greenhouse gas emissions can be attributed
to the livestock industry (Goodland, 2009).
Beyond these emissions, production of one
pound of red meat uses 170,000 gallons of
water. That's enough water for t\.vo years
of sho,vers (HubPages, 20 12). Our planet
sin1ply cannot sustain industrial livestock
farn1ing at the scale that it currently exists.
Meat produc tion in genera l is also
syn1ptomatic of the massive inequality of
resources in the world.
While the ,vorld's poor starve, we use
a large portion of our arab le land to feed
ani1nals for the slaughter. So in addition to
ignoring the well being of the animals ,vhen
one eats meat , one also ignores the interests
of those who are forced to go without.
There's also the moral dilemtna of other
sent ient beings suffering for the wh i1ns of
our palate. If one ever wonders how hun1an
beings can be so callous and exploitat ive of
each other , look no further than the lunch
menu: "veshow our capacity for it every day.
A vegan diet is no less healthy than a
meat eating diet, despite sn1ear ca1npaigns
fron1 the dairy industry (Zacharias, 2012). A
human being can get quite enough protein
from a variety of other sources like nuts,
beans, and quinoa. Look to vegan MMA
fighter Mac Danzig for proof that vegans
aren't all tnalnourished. Veganism is a small
lifestyle change: one which can remove you
fron1 the 1nost environmen tally destructive
industrial syste1ns on the planet.

"Abo ut UC: California Ma ster Plan for Higher Educa tion." . University of California, 30 Mar. 2004 . Web . 29 Aug . 2012 .
De Baca , Suzanna , Maia Szalavitz, and Laura Newco mer. "400% Rise in US Antidep ressant Use: Diagnosis Overkill?" Health/and . Tim e, 20
Oct. 201 1. Web. 06 Sep . 20 12.
Diaz, Phillipe . "The End of Poverty." Cinema Libre Studios . 2008 .
Goodland, Robert , and J eff Anhang . "Livestock and Climate Change." Worldwatch Institute . N.p .. Nov.-Dec. 2009 . Web . 06 Sep. 20 12.
Konesw aran, Gowri, and Danielle Nierenberg. "Global Farm Animal Production and Global Warmi ng ." National Center for Biotechnol ogy
Information . US National Library of Medicine, 3 1 Jan . 2008. Web . 06 Sep. 201 2 .
"Ruminant Livestock." Environmental Protection Agency , 21 Mar. 20 07. Web. 06 Sep. 2012 .
"Why Everyone Should Be Vegetarian at Least One Day a Week." HubPages . HubPag es Inc ., 06 Sep . 2009. Web . 06 Sep. 201 2.
Zacharias, Nil. "Look Who 's Afraid! Dairy Industry Launch es Ad Campaign Dissing Plant-based Milks." One Green Planet. N.p .. 17 Feb. 2012 .
Web. 06 Sep . 2012.







~,.., ·-~~







The Place & UCSC's Place in It
Rain falls and percolates through the soil of our Campus
Natural Reserve. This ,vater meets subterranean CO 2 and
reacts to produce carbonic acid. 1l1is acid in turn devours the
limestone rock upon ,vhich the soil lies, carving its own path of
holes and caves. The end product is what geologists tern1 'Karstic
terrain'. The endemic Empire Cave Spider clings to the cave's
n1oist, dark ,valls. The bobcat of Red Hill Road seeks shelter in
some unknown dry place. The rain, their lives, th e woods, the
ground are so elegantly intertwined. A cave collapses under the
weight of the Earth and Marine Sciences Building foundation.
Construct ion crews fill the space ,vith concrete and proceed
(Stanley & Weber, 2008). Eng ineering 2 sits on shaky ground
as well, but its glean1ing LEED silver certification distracts
the observer from its intrusion into both the underground
and aboveground natural worlds. The rain pools inert on the

The Drama of the LRDP and EIR
The Problem* is dry in his office, the eco-friendly bamboo
wood paneling sh ining from a recent cleaning and the fully
recycled, hypoallergenic carpet plush beneath his loafers. Smiling
at th e clear co1n1nitments to sustainability that so stylishly adorn
his office, he bites into a Hostess Cupcake and opens the latest
PDF of the Long Range Development Plan (LRDP ) for th e UC
Santa Cruz campus. The introdu ctory paragraph presents the
LRDP as the guiding document for physical development on
ca1npus. 1l1e Problem 's eyes skim over the section that explains
how this physical development should happen in response to
the proposed increase of student enrollmen t to 19,500 by 2020
(UCSC LRDP, 2006). He sighs past the graphs showing the
proposed 2,122,000 square feet of building space: an addition


. ~~I

I I.



,vhich expands the ca1npus footprint by over nvo thirds. H e eyes
thirstily the northern and western edges of the ca1npus map,
seeing the blank spaces which may accommoda te College 11,
employee housing, student support facilities, and recreation
facilities (UCSC LRDP, 2006).
The Problem reads on, noting that these an1en1t1es
necessitate expansion too in ,vater capacity, energy production,
road connectivity, bridges, playing fields, sewer service, and up
to 2,100 ne,v parking spaces, and that thi s construct ion is not
included in the overall construction footprint (UCSC LRDP,
2005: 60, 83). He sees that any sentence whi ch promises
protection of Ca1npus Reserve Lands or mitigates natural
resource use is qualified by th e phrases: "if feasible" and "to the
extent possible" , effectively absolving the LRDP of any actual
land-use protections (USCS LRDP, 2006: 69, 75). The Problen1

'Dea rest Reader, it is impo rtant to note here the The Prob lem is not actu ally a single, bumbl ing man, but rather, The Prob lem is
a crackpo t medley of the growt h imperative embedded wit hin capi talism, populat ion growth, the marketization of higher education, the quest ion of true sustainability, exploitation of natural resources, the tyranny of rationality and many hitherto unexplored,
comp licated forces .

glances at the projected faculty growth graph, but focuses most
of his attention on the physical developn1ent of infrastructure
on campus, knowing ,vhat ,ve need to support our dynamic,
cutting -edge educational institution are buildings, 1nore
buildings! He stares out into the rain, mildly exhausted from
walking the tightrope of bureaucratic ambivalence, knowing
that his task will only get harder as he reads the Environmental
l1npact Report (EIR).
The Problem 's head spins as he reads the EIR. It considers
a wide range of impacts to ca1npus that wou ld occur under
the implem entation of the LRDP: aesth etics, air quality, water
availability, habitat destruction, introdu ction of nonnative
plants, traffic congestion, destruction of archeological sites, and
disruption of cultural resources, to name a fe,v. For the LRDP
to pass, the EIR must
adequa tely address areas
of impact and include the
1neasures the UC ,viii take
to n1itigate these in1pacts.
He also notes that th ese
protective measures are
not promised and that
there are many "significant
impacts " which cannot
inc lude the possibility of
exceeding nitrous oxide
emissions standards, and an increase in stonnwater runoff and
erosion (Zwart, 2006). He shrugs at these impacts and thinks:
such is the nature of growth! Pleased by the nonco1n1nittal,
finely greased document , The Problem leans back in his chair
and sips his Pellegrino. He spits it out , finding the water flat and
hopeless: a stagnant, tasteless pool, bereft of imagination and
the ability to give a damn.

The Resistance
The rain falls rhythmically through the canopy, slipping
slyly through the Douglas-fir and Redwood needles and falling
flat on the broad leaves of the Bay Laurel and Tan Oak. The
Resistance sits beneath these trees, dry under their cover. The
coyote, deer, and brush rabbit listen from their homes, while the
banana slug and California giant salamander slide thoughtfull y
through the damp earth. TI1e Resistanc e stands and begins to
"We have all con1e here ,vith a common desire: to stop the
expansion of the UC Santa Cruz Campus. The reasons for our
feelings may diverge, but v,,1e are united by this same thread."
Professors and lecturers of UCSC stand at the n1eeting,
drawn to th e Resistance by th eir concern for th e LRDP 's impact
on ecology and educat ion resources at UCSC. Some of these


professors worked to point out flaws in the basic science and
land-use designation of the th e EIR via comment letters during
the drafting of the LRDP. Disregarding their critiques, the
Regents approved the Final EIR under all sections (Long Range
Resistance , 2008 ). Since then, a Superior Court Judge has ruled
the EIR to be in adequate in addressing areas of traffic, housing,
and ,vater.

A Question of Quality of Life
It is concerns for traffic, housing , and water that bring Santa
Cruz community 1ne1nbers and students to The Resistance. The
proposed addition of around 2,000 full-time students by 2020
would cause an increase in already congested traffic, making
wait times at several key
interse ctions painfully long
(Lipschutz, 2006). TI1ese
additional stude nt s will put
pressure on the housing
in Santa Cruz,
driving already exorbitant
rates even higher ,vithin the
county. While the university
counters th at adding new
university housing will keep
students on campus, most
students prefer to move off
campus after their first year.
Part of this may have to do with the ungodly rent on campus.
TI1e expansion of campus housing will likely raise costs for
students, as campus housing is funded by residents, rather
than by the sta te (Isbister, 2006). If College I I is constructed ,
students wou ld be forced to pay more rent to cover these costs.

Water in Santa Cruz:
Who Gets How Much?
Com1nunity 1nembers stand with TI1e Resistance to ensure
that they have an adequate water supp ly. Santa Cruz relies
on local water sources. Water comes from the Loch Lomond
Reservoir, from the San Lorenzo River, and from pumping
groundwater. As such, ,vater is especially scarce in the rainless
su1n1ner months and in drought conditions. The Santa Cruz
region has seen water shortages in the past , and , because of
this, is hesitant to extend water rights to the service area under
question in th e LRDP. The City of Santa Cruz attacked the
LRDP under this reasoning and in August 2008, the courts
reached the decision that UCSC would have to app ly to the
Local Agency Fonnation Commission, a governing body tasked
with controlling urban sprawl and protecting open space, in




8.11lb,u Hov.ill"IO
P,!yscal Edu::3110n








Existing Sphere of lnflluence

r.::JProposed Sphere of Influence
r/ /1 Proposed Change Area
J City Limit
The UC is seeking to gain w ater rights for the cross hatched area on the map . This area is currently undevelope d; the
named roads you see are dirt fire roads, while the bold road is the proposed paved road which forms a new entrance at
Empire Grade . The proposed build ing sites are the darkened shapes along this bold road . To w ander this place is to know
what would be lost should this develop ment occu r.

order to gain the rights to extend water into upper campus
(Rebagliati , n.d. ). As the issue stands in the sun1mer of 2012 , the
Local Agency Fonnation Co1nmission (LAFCO, pronounced
"laff-co") continues to debate the sustainability of extending
these water rights and questions hovv n1uch, if any, water they
can pron1ise the expanding campus.

Desalination: A Space of Resistance
LAFCO 's decision to extend ,vater rights to construction
in Upper Campus is inti1nately tied to another issue of local
concern: the construction of a desalination plant. Community
activists ,vho oppose the desalination plant are seated in the
springy red,vood duff amongst the Resistance. Desalination
is the process of converting sea,vater to fresh,vater and the
desalination plant in question wou ld provide water to the city

of Santa Cruz during drought conditions. Ho,vever , community
members question the expense, greenhouse gas emissions, and
effects on marin e life that \Vould arise with the construction
of the desalination plant ("Proble1ns with Desai", n.d. ) . Many
students and faculty oppose the desalination plant too , as its
construction n1ay convince LAFCO that there is adequate water
to extend water rights to the proposed LRDP construction area
in upper campus. Students and community members are using
the LAFCO public hearings as a space to air these concerns. The
next meeting is on the 1norning of October 10 at the County
Building (701 Ocean Street).

Save Some for the Fishes
The nearby San Lorenzo River and its tributary streams
hold a fe,v more members of The Resistance; Coho Salmon





and Steelhead Trout pass by TI1e Resistance's meeting spot as
they swi1n faithfully upstrea1n to their breeding grounds. They
are running int o problems though, struggling to pass sha llo,v
or obstructed stream channels that were previously Rov,ing
with water. Santa Cruz is draining too much water from the
San Lorenzo River and surrounding watershed to support
viable populations of federally endangered Coho and healthy
populations of federally threatened Steelhead. The city is thus
tangled in a legal battle with NOAA fisheries about how much
water they must release into streams to ensure the habitat for
these fish species. The expansion of the UCSC campus will only
continue to stress water resour ces: for both citizens of Santa
Cruz and for the endangered or threatened fish species.

Physical Expansion& Education:
A TroublesomeRelationship
Students have hiked , bused, or biked to th e Resistance 's
1neeting spot. TI1eyspeak of how their tuition continues to rise,
yet their classes get bigger, their TAs disappear, entire majors
vanish, and services dwindle. They are skept ical v,hether the
giant lecture halls, recreation facilities, and parking lots suggested
within the LRDP ,viii do much to serve their education. When
defending this kind of gro,vth within UCSC, LRDP advocates
often cite the Master Plan for Higher Education, the guiding
document for public higher education ,vithin California. One of
the oft -cited (and now changed) tenets of the Master Plan is that
the UC syste1n should offer higher education for th e top 12.5%
of California 's high school graduates ("Major Features", 2007).
The Regents and top admin istrators hold that this necessitates
infrastructural growth of the UCSC campus. While educating
California is certainly a valuab le goal, there is much controversy
over ,vhere physical growth shou ld occur, if at all. Many believe

that carefully sited in-fill on campus or repurposed buildings off
campus are viable options if construction is absolutely necessary:
why develop on the ecolog ically sensitive upper can1pus region?
Building place1nent aside, the seemingly adm irable goal to
educa te California becomes less appealing when we question
the quality of education. TI1e type of education that UCSC
can offer now is not adequate: there are higher student-TA and
student-facul ty ratios , cu t majors and programs, fewer classes,
larger classes, and more distant graduation dates. Adding n1ore
students, as is the plan under the LRDP, will only aggravate
these problems. Bob Meister , a politics professor on campus,
reports that state funding for a UC student in the early 2000s
was $9150, yet the cost of educating a student was $18,000 per
student (Meister, n.d. ). An incr ease in the student population,
comb ined v,ith decreased state support, an1ounts to less 1noney
available per student (Meister, n.d.). The regents claim that th ey
must increase tuition to make up for the difference between the
cost of educating students and the money available from the
state. But ,vhat exactly do the regents consider to be the costs of
educa tion? Under the LRDP, "costs to educa te students" include
exorbitan t construction projects toward s which the regents ,nay
funnel our tuition (for hov, the y can do this, see sidebar on
next page). Many students are outraged by the prioritization
of construction over instruction. Not only does th e LRDP fail
to rebuild the faculty, support syste1ns, programs, librarians,
and "f As that nurture educa tion; it destroys the classroom and
mentor that is Nature. TI1e space of developn1ent would pave
over the classroo1ns for courses such as ENVS 15: Na tur al
History of the UCSC Can1pus, ENVS 24 : General Ecology,
ENVS 167: Fresh,vater and Wetland Ecology and ENYS 107
A, B, and C : Natural History Field Quarter. It robs the stud ents
too of a place of solace and calm.
The meeting is coming to a close. Professors, lecturers, TAs,



con1mu nity 1n e1n bers, activists, and stude nts lean back into
velvety Red,vood bark and listen to the trilling crescendos of
bird so ng. The Resistance speaks th roug h them:
"Everyth ing is shaking. We are shaking \Vith anger, \Vit h
grief. TI1e land is collapsing under th e groan ing weight of
construc tion, its waters and fish unable to give anymore ,
its forests, grass and shr ub lands not e1n pty but rather full
,vith plants , ani mals, soils, and people who honor these nonhum ans . Educatio n itself qu akes an d th reatens to crumble ;
students scarcely recall small class sizes and true m entorsh ip,
and remem ber too well their last tuition payn1ent . An d so
we must \vork like water. We m ust infiltrate the spaces of
negotiation and bureaucracy, speaking at th e upcomi ng
LAFCO public hearing for both ourselves an d those ,vho
cann ot speak (Oc t. 10, Cou nty Building, 701 O cean Street).
We m ust gath er together, strong, a d rop of de,v taut on a
leaf's marg in. And finally, vve n1ust pour ourselves over the
land itself, learn ing of that \vh ich truly suppor ts us."

Want to Get
For LRDP resistance efforts ,
email to lrdp resistance t.
For desalination resistance efforts ,
go to DesalAlte rnatives .org and
sign up for the ir email list.
To help organize a forum to speak
about these issues on Oct. 8
or for gene ral qu estions , contact the
author at ecoletta .

How our
tuition finances the
construction projects
Did yo u know tha t yo ur tu ition dol la rs are ind irectly
pay ing fo r the co nstruc tion projects you see a round
ca m pus? It wi ll be easier to unde rstand how this
hap pe ns if you have some basic know ledge of how
b onds work bon d s are like gian t c red it ca rds . Whe n
an o rg an ization ta kes ou t a bond , it means that the
organ izat ion is borr ow ing money from a lend er (a
b an k), on the con d itio n that they will pa y it back
with interes t. Len d ers on ly ag ree to g ive the mo ney
if they a re ce rtain that they will be pa id back. UC
cons tru ct ion p rojects are funded with b ond mo ney
le nt by the Bank of New York Mel lo n Trust
Here's the key q uestion : if the state has c ut
fun d ing to the UC by more than 5 0% si nee 199 0 ,
why was the BNY Me llon Trust still c onfide nt that
the UC Rege nts wo uld b e able to pay bac k the
mo ney they we re req uesti ng? It's like VISA offeri ng
a $20 ,000 credi t card to someone who j ust go t fired
and had their ho use fo reclosed The ba nk was
co nfid ent b ecause b efo re the deal we nt through , the
regen ts ag reed to use tu itio n mo ney to pay back the
bo nd s. The rege nts are unde r no legal obligation to
spe nd any of our tu ition o n ed uca tio n, or to d isclose
how m uc h tu itio n money is b eing d iverted towa rd
cons tru ct ion projects an d researc h. They a lso
have the a b ility to raise ou r tuitio n at w ill ( Meister,
2009). Furthe r, w he n the state reviewed UC financ ial
recor d s in 20 11, it was show n that UC trac ks abo ut
$ 1 bi llio n of ex pe nses und er the title "Miscel laneous
Serv ices" (Tucke r, 20 11).

Isbister, John. "Ca n UCSC Grow?" Terms and Conditions : Newsle tter o f the SCFA/AA UP (2006): 1. 7. Print.
Lipshutz , Ronnie D. "Not the Bellybutton of the Universe!" Terms and Conditions: Newsle tter o f the SCFA/AAUP (2006): 2 . Print.
M eister, Bob. "Eleven These s on Growt h." Santa Cruz Faculty Associati on (n.d .): n. pag. . Web.
"Problems w ith Desai." Desai Alterna tives. N.p ., n.d . Web. 07 Sept. 20 12.
Rebagliati, Juliana. "Comp rehensive Settle ment Agreeme nt Summary." City o f Santa Cruz. N .p ., n.d. Web.
Sta nley, Richard G., and Gerald E. Weber. "Geology." The Natural History o f the UC Santa Cruz Campus. Ed . Tonya M. Haff, Martha T. Brow n,
and W. Breck Tyler. 2nd ed. Santa Cruz: Environmental Studies Department, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2008. 37-97. Print.
What Do UCSC Biologists and Other Experts Have to Say about the LRDP and Its EIR . Santa Cruz: Long Range Resistance , 2008 .
UC Santa Cruz Long-Range Development Plan 2005-2020 . Rep. N.p ., Sept. 2006 . Web . 1 Sept. 2012 . <http ://lrdp.ucsc .edu/ Final2005
lrdp/ 2005LRDP%28Appen%29.pdf>.
Zw art, Frank. "Remarks t o the Regents." Remarks to The Regents (Committee on Grounds & Build ings). Proc. of Meeting of the Regents.
N .p., 19 Sept. 2006. Web .
Meister, Rob ert, Prof. "They Pledged Your Tuition to Wall str eet." Letter to UC Stud ents. 2009. Keep California's Promise, 20 12. Web . 3
Sep 2012.
Tucker , Jill. "UC Budget Lacks Transparency, stat e Audit Says." SFGate. San Francisco Chronicle , 28 July 2011. Web. 04 Sep 20 12.





This work is far from done
An Introd uction to White Privilege





















In our experience as white students at UCSC, we have as "colorb lind. " This can be well-inten tioned, but turns
1nade 1nany, many mistakes. We have blindly benefited from out horribly. After the Civil Rights Movement, it became
our privi lege, and have aided and abetted racist structures, socially unacceptable to be explicitly racist . This does not
so,netimes in \vays that we will never fully be able to mean that racis1n evaporated, on the contrary , it means that
understand. However, as \Vhite students \Ve are not bound our society had to co1ne up with coded language to put
to this fate. If we ever hope to experience true freedom, it is forth the same racist ideologies. Scholars have named this
our job to un learn the teachings of this racist society, to do coded language "colorblind racis1n." Eduardo Bonilla-Silva
our best to educate/re -educate other white peop le, and to describes how colorblind racis1n seeks to minin1ize racism
stand in solidarity with people of color.
by making it a thing of the past. By saying
that racis1n is over, \vhites and even some
This article will atte1npt to break do\vn
how our \vhiteness has given us unearned
people of color can invoke concepts suc h

as "equal opportunity," "individualism,"
privileges, and \Vhat \Ve, as vvhite people, oppression
continues because and "choice ," in abstract ways to support
can do to be conscious allies.
A common misconception these days it's constantly
a racist agenda. "By framing race-related
is that racism is over. #Thuglife, dressing being compared to issues in the language of liberalis1n,
up as a sexy 'Indian ' for Halloween ,
whites can appear ' reasonable' and
the "real" racism
or saying tha t affirmative action is
even 'n1oral' while opposing almost all
reverse racism are just a few examples of the past.
practical approaches to deal with de
facto racial inequa lity" (Bonilla-Si lva,
that disprove this notion. These are, in
2003). For instan ce, many whites have
fact, subde \vays of reinforcing racial
stereotypes that are incredibly hurtful. This is often a hard invoked the "equal opportunity" agenda of the Civil Rights
discussion to have because people become defensive , saying Move1nent to actively oppose affirmative action because it
things such as "I don't see color," or "it was just a joke, " to supposedly represented preferentia l treaunent. Simi larly,
negate that their whiteness is playing a powerful role in that 'human nature' and 'cultural bias' are used to justify the
situation. This mentali ty co,nes from the idea that racisn1 is social, political, and economic standing of minorities in
individualized, one person hating another person because this coun try. Phrases suc h as "Mex icans do not put muc h
of their race. While this does happen , racism is a mu ch e1nphasis on education" or "blacks have too many babies "
1nore con1plex system of beliefs and behaviors that are both subtly invoke the assumption that people of color are to
persona l and institutional.
blame for their socioeconomic standing. People who try
Many people (usually white people ) identify the1nselves and point out the racist nature of these assu1nptions are












usually accused of being 'hypersensitive,' of using race as an
'excuse,' or of 'playing the infamous race card' (Bonilla-Silva,
2003 ).
Through this individualization of responsibility, racism
stays ,voven into the fabric of society, even as its visibility
diminishes. Race is not an easy issue to talk about. There 's a
reason most modern films about race take place prior to the
1970s and usually feature a ,vhite lead saving a n1inority group.
It's co1nfortable and easily digestible for white audiences to see
racism as so1nething of the past and to see themselves as the
benevolent saviors ,vho ended it, but that 's not how it works,
and as long as we keep patting ourselves on the back for the
gains of the previous generation, ,ve ,vill continue to hold
back the current. Modern day oppression continues because
it's constantly being compared to the "real" racism of the past.
Everything looks good compared to a cross burning, but that
doesn 't 111akeyour racist jokes any funnier. We 1nust instead
be diligent about naming and breaking do,vn racist structures
(such as the Prison Industrial Complex, imn1igration law, UC
admissions policies, etc.), as well as understanding how we have
benefited fro1n and internalized racism.


White Privilege

No one likes to see the1nselves as the oppressors, and no one
likes to feel responsible for what are seen1ingly other peoples'
1nistakes. However , if you are perceived ,vhite , you have received
certain unearned privileges. This does not delegitimize other
pain you have felt, or other oppressions you have experienced .
We are taught to understand that racism puts people of color
at a disadvantage. The corollary to that is that racism also gives
white people advantages . These advantages are invisible to white
people, because ,ve have never known anything different. In
Peggy McIntosh 's piece Unpackingthe Invisible Knapsack,she
compiles a list of some of these invisible advantages.
1. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of
the paper and see people of my race widely represented.
2. When I am told about our national heritage or about
"civilization, " I an1 sho,vn that people of my color made
it ,vhat it is.
3. I can swear, or dress in secondhand clothes, or not
answer letters, ,vithout having people attribute these
choices to the bad 1norals, the poverty, or the illiteracy
of 111yrace (McIntosh, 1998 ).
No,v let's think about this on a more local level. In early
2012, Decolonizing Education, a group 1nade up of students
of color from UCSC, produced a zine called ColoringOutside
the Lines. This zine takes a critical look at the racist practices
of the university and the actions of many ,vhite activists on
this campus. In a piece entitled "Privileges of White of Student


Activists at UCSC," the authors list certain invisible privileges
that ,vhite students on this campus hold. S01ne of them include:
1. The privilege of not being concerned about ho,v
their racial group will be outreached and retained in
the university. White supremacy built the university
to institutionalize outreach and retention of white
students. It is therefore the burden of student of color
to outreach and retain students of color.
2. Th e privilege to believe the town is generally progressive.
The reality that the this belief is extremely harmful to
people of color. ( 1) It leaves local decision-makers off
the hook, and their false beliefs allo,v them to think
instances of racisn1 are bogus claims and therefore
unworthy of their attention. (2) It deems individual
acts of internal or institutional racism as the fault of the
person of color, and therefore their problem to solve.
(3) When people of color set foot in Santa Cruz, ,ve're
hit in the face (sometimes literally) with the awful truth
that Santa Cruz is in fact, not "progressive" or "liberal."
We're not even allo,ved to enjoy this fake belief for long
because we eventually con1e across the same racist shit
we encounter in other places.
3. Th e privilege of being seen as "students" and the
face of the "student movement." When students of
color organize , we're marginalized into an additional
concern, instead of the concern. We're seen as protesting
trivial issues and not issues of the "typical student. "
("Privileges," 2012)
These, of course, are just the tip of the iceberg. Ultimately ,
being aware of your privilege is not about feeling guilty about
your identity (although guilt can be crucial step). It is about
noticing racial hierarchies in this society and doing your best to
break those down on personal, interpersonal, and institutional

How ToBe An Ally
1. Do a pe rsonal inventory

- It

is helpful
to understand ho,v particular issues like racism, sexism, etc.
have played out in your o,vn life. One way to do this is to write
about all the ti1nes that you can re1ne1nber when some form of
oppression affected your life. This could n1ean that you were
the recipient or the perpetrator of oppressive behaviors. It could
also be things that you observed or events with ,vhich you were
personally involved. It could be painful memories from school,
,vork, family, etc.

2. Do

your homework

from a dominant


Sometimes people
culture have a very sincere interest in

understanding people from other cultures, races, genders , or
sexual orientations. One way to do so is to be in conversation
with those other culcures. However, there is a big difference
between a natural or intentional conversation about oppression
and simply asking someone who has experienced oppression
to teach you about it. Asking one person of another culcure
to be your teacher is disrespectful for a couple of reasons.
First, experiences of oppression are utterly personal and often
painful. When a \vhite person asks a person of color to share
their experiences it could trigger some painful 1nen1ories.
Second, this creates a false understanding of entire
culcures and people. When we ask one person to speak for
an entire people, we enact a form of tokenism. When ,ve
tokenize someone, \Ve run the risk of reducing a whole group
of people into one fixed idea about who they are. Curiously ,
white people are rarely, if ever asked to represent the ideas and
beliefs of their entire race.
Third, it should not fall on the shoulders of people of
color to constantly be educating white people. Instead there
are thousands of books, movies, plays, articles, and videos that
can educate you about whiteness and the experience of people
fron1 different cultures ( SEE "RECOMMENDATION S' P.7 8).

3. Consider



the difference between
action - Discovering that one has

benefits mat others do not simply because of circumstance
can sometimes lead to feelings of guile or shame. While it


is certainly useful to have a sense of regret for conscious or
unconscious ways that ,ve have personally or communally
perpetuated oppression, it doesn't necessarily serve us to dwell
in that regret. Oppressed people may not care if people in a
dominant culture feel bad or guilty. Ho,vever, they might very
well care about how you act upon that guilt. If you want to
make a difference, don't be guilty, be active.

Be clear on why you are involved
in the struggle

etc.) - If you do take action it is i1nportant to consider why.
Sometimes people from the dominant culture get involved
in a struggle in order to "help" or to take up a cause for
other people , or to alleviate their own feelings of guilt. Part
of privilege is that one can choose to engage in the struggle
or not. However, for oppressed peoples the choice is not as
simple as being a part of a cause or not , it can be a 1natter of
survival. Do we believe that oppression is a proble1n for the
society as a ,vhole or just a proble1n for its victims? While
racism affects people of color in very detrin1ental ways, racism
is a problem for \vhite people because it is white people who
need to act to change it.
Also, it is good to consider how oppression benefits you
and what you may get out of ending oppression, as \veil as
\vhat you may lose. If you're involved simply to help, get
a good internship, or take up a cause, you might be doing
yourself and your community a disservice.

At this point, dismantling racism may seem like an insurmountable task. Take a breath and
remember this is a daily struggle. Each day is an opportunity to act consciously and with intent.
You will 1ness up, and you will get certain things right; so is the nature of being human. However,
it is how you deal with this situations that matters. If someone calls you out, do not get offended.
Listen to vvhat they have to say and take some time to evaluate the situation. And if you are doing
a lot of anti-racist work do not expect a pat on the back.
Understanding and checking our white privilege is a lifelong process. 11,is process is painful,
it is uncomfortable, and it is hard. We have a responsibility to see race. We need to take it upon
ourselves to talk about race-to better understand racism, so we can work to end it. We must
do this because our individual liberation is bound up in each others. As long white people are
receiving benefits at the expense of people of color, none of us are free.

Bonilla-Silva , Edu ardo. Racism without racists: colorblind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States . Lanham ,
Md .: Rowm an & Littlefield , 2003. Print.
Bowers , Christoph er. " 10 Ways to be an Ally." White Privilege. N.p ., 03 Feb . 20 10. Web. 31 Aug . 20 12.
"Privileges of White Stude nt Act ivists at UCSC." Coloring Outside the Unes . Decolonizi ng Edu cation. N.p. , n .d . Web. 02 Sep . 20 12.
M cIntosh , Peggy. "Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack ." White Privilege. N.p ., n.d . Web. 3 1 Aug. 2012.



The FighLfor


toxic atmosphere of complacency, ignorance, and racism, UCSC
risks the distinction of being "the Arizona of the UC systen1."
The ti1ne is right- indeed, long overdue- for the
establishment of a department of ethn ic and critica l race
studies at UCSC. As a public institution of higher learning,
the University of Cal ifornia is mandated to serve the people
of California. Given the shifting demographics of the state,
UCSC must adjust its institutional priorities a,vay from bloated
administrative salaries and allocate pern1anent funding for
ethnic and critical race studies as an urgent con1parative, local
and global, interdisciplinary , and 1nultilingual project- a
critical theoretical and political project that articulates with
queer, fe1ninist, and labor studies in challenging asymn1etrical
power relations and fostering emergent and minoritized forms
of knowledge production .

.Rep,;11lt>tlwilh 111i11or
edils fi·o111 I.lie CKES hlo 0

ucsce tbn icst udi es. ,yo rd p n1
Over four decades have passed since students in the first
graduating class at UC Santa Cruz took over commencement to
highlight racism and discrimination towards students of color on
the campus. Their protest was part of a wider grassroots political
1novement to realize Third World studies at public universities
in California and beyond - a movement that would give rise
to the College of Ethnic Studies at SFSU and the depart1nents
of African-Ainerican and Ethn ic Studies at UC Berkeley. Yet,
whereas its neighboring institutions can clain1 legacies of
ethnic studies over forty years old, UCSC, in sharp contrast,
remains the only longstanding campus ,vithin the University of
California system without a formalized ethnic studies program
or deparunent.
The climate at UCSC is notoriously hosti le. Despite the
historica l and ongoing efforts of students who have continuously
fought for a deparunent of Third World, Native American, and
ethnic studies, UCSC has failed to address the need for critical
race studies as a dedicated site of intellectual and political
inquiry. Instead, "diversity'' is 111anagedalong tokenistic or PR
lines. Lecturers are hired on an inconsistent basis to teach courses
in critica l race studies ,vhich are not advertised to the student
body at large, whi le student-of -color organizations sponsor
and teach their own ethnic studies courses, simu ltaneous ly
shouldering the burden of outreach to and retention of
underserved 1ninority communi ties. Ethnic resource centers
are chronically underfunded and their staff over,vorked, and
faculty of color are loathe to set foot on this campus and depart
in droves. Over the past three years, UCSC has ,vitnessed the
suspens ion of communi ty studies and American studies, the loss
of all black studies faculty in the literature departmen t, and the
adn1inistration's do,vnplaying of rampant nativist and Jitn Crow
graffiti throughou t the can1pus. Complicit in perpetuating a

• Establishment of an ethnic and critica l race studies
depar tment with pern1anent faculty lines, a major and a
1ninor, and a field studies component
• Increased permanent funding for the Ethnic Resource
• Susta ined , fully-funded
and retention
of students from underrepresented and underserved
comn 1unities. In particu lar, full-time recruiter in Student
Admissions ,vho ,viii outreach to underserved communities
in San Jose and East Palo Alto.
• Protection,
and education
of AB540/
undocun1en ted students by developing an Intergenerationa l
I1nmigrant Resource Center that provides support throug h
programming , fund ing, and other resources. Funding of
AB540/undocumented education through institutional aid.
• Increased grant-based scholarships and financial aid for
working-class students and students of color


STATE <)I~' ~l'l-IJ~ S 'f Rl lGG l.,E

In July 20 12, UCSC administration par tially caved to a
steady onslaught of pressure fro1n CRES organizers, publicly
announcing the creation of a three-year pilot program for
' Feminist Critical Race and Ethnic Studies'. The official
announcemen t (available on line through the link belo,v) glossed
over the months of student led teach-ins, town -hall meetings,
educational forums, and advisory panels ,vhich led up to the
decision, but contained son1e good news.
The program is to be headed by fe1ninist studies professor
Bettina Aptheker, and literature professor Karen Ya1nashita.
They ,vill oversee the distribution of a n1odest annual fund "to
develop undergraduate and graduate curriculum, and to support
research and intellectual life through seminars, colloquium and
other events." In the first year of the program, students will

be v,orking with UCSC instructors
scholars to develop curricula and
focus of academic initiatives within
UCSC administration describes the
the program as follows:

and visiting
establish the
the program.
re1nainder of

"During the second year of the progran1
the directors ,vill initiate and fund nvo courses:
an Introduction to Fe1ninist Critical Race and
Ethnic Studies at the lower division level, and
an associated upper division lecture class. The
curricular mode l is conceived of as collaborative
and interdisciplinary in nature. Established
faculty from UCSC and elsewhere ,viii be
involved in teaching these courses. The graduate
student teaching assistants in both courses
will receive sustained faculty mentorship in
feminist and radical pedagogy specific to this
curriculum. Scholars who are pub lic and/ or
creative intellectuals will be invited to take up
residence at Santa Cruz for a period of ti1ne
during the second year. They ,viii participate in
the program and give a pub lic lecture.
In the final year a graduate seminar will
be added to the new curriculum funded by the
program. 1l1e graduate seminar will be taught
by a senior visiting scholar in Feminist Critical
Race & Ethnic Studies. The elements of the
program established in the first nvo years ,viii
continue during the third year.
A research group in Feminist Cri tical
Race and Ethnic Studies that is composed of
graduate students and faculty ,viii be active for
all three years. 1l1e research cluster will work in
active association with the colloquia and lecture
series. Resident scholars ,viii also participate in
the cluster."

While this is a pron1ising step to,vard the creation
of a permanent CRES department, it is still
only that: a step. UCSC has a history of broken
promises with regard to ethnic studies, and for this
program to live beyond its three year expiration
date, students ,viii have maintain and increase
pressure on administration, through a variety
of tactics. Pay attention for meetings and events
relating to the development of the progra1n, and
when the classes are finally open for enroll,nent,
sign up! Critical Race and Ethnic Studies presents
an opportunity to tear down some of the most
oppressive structures: the ones in our minds.


7 Thingsto Know About Discussion
of Israel/ Palestine@ucsc
Every university has students ,vho are actively involved in discussing
the Israeli/Palestinian conflict; UCSC is no exception. Speaking out on
the issue can often lead to harassment, silencing, or even violence. Here
are seven pieces of advice that will help build tolerance and understanding
in the hopes of making UCSC a safe and open space to discuss Israel/
Palestine. In fact, apply this advice to almost any other political debate, stir
gently, bake at 420 degrees for a few decades, let cool and serve at room temperature.


Acknowledge that there is no such th ing as
neutr ality. Any argument , no matter how well-researched or

analyzed, will ever be apolitical or lack consequences . Acknowledge this
fact early on, and opinions you disagree with will beco me much easier to
unde rstand , and eventually muc h easier to pick apart .


No matter what , someone will disagree with you.
This doesn 't mean that you or the peo ple you disagree with are

unintelligent or a bad perso n; it just means that your perspect ives are d ifferent.
And if you fail to reach a compromise, this doesn't mean that either of you
are rotten to the core or selfish; our soc iety has not yet figured out how to run
a democ racy properly, let alone operate on consensus. We have not been
taught how consensus works , so be patient with each other ( SEE ·coNSENSLB
P.24 ).


Document everyth ing you see or hear. Events have a
tendency to get distorted. so if you wan t to later make a good case

for something , it 's best to have hard evidence handy.


Know your shit. Be prepared to back up your arguments with
historical evidence . Ask around for a good list of books to read up on

the history of the conflict , keep up w ith the daily news , and read multiple news
sources in order to get a full picture of events .


When in doubt , listen. Chances are, you 're not actually hearing

the other person . And listening doesn 't just mean registering a string

of words and then respo nding ; it also means taking in what the other perso n
says, thinking abo ut why they're saying it, putting you rself in their shoes, and
truly und erstanding the full extent of what they mean . Most of the time, this is
the hardest part of the process . It's also the part that mos t of us rush through .
But it's the most centra l part of d iscussion !


Use sensitive and careful language , especially when
talking to someone with a different point of view. This conflict is

extremely perso nal for many peo ple. A common tactic peo ple use to deflate
another's argument is attacking their lack of invo lvement/ insensitivity to the


Say what you think. Like many othe r deba tes involving race ,
religion and inequality, the weight of the problem and the passions that

folks bring to the table can often encourage self-censorsh ip. Know ing when
not to speak is a vital skill that most of us lack, but don 't be afraid to speak
out when you co nfront bullshit. Have your voice heard, in meetings and out.




An extremely abbreviated
summary of recent Israel/
Palestine activism at UCSC:
In spring 2011, the federal govern1nent
opened an investigation of anti-Semitisn1 at
UCSC. The investigation was prompted by a
complaint v,ritten by UCSC Hebrew lecturer
Tammi Ross1nan-Benjamin. In the co1nplaint,
she argues that a number of events and
organizations which criticize Israel have begun
to verge on "hat e speech" because they threaten
Jev,ish students, and that the UC should cut
university funding from these events and
organizations. Rossman -Benja1nin later started
an action group called the AMCHA Initiative ,
which is responsible for pressuring the UC to
continue to crack down on criticism of Israel.
This past spr ing, City on a Hill Presspublished
the first article in a three-part series about the
investigation entitled "Anti-Se1nitis1n in the
Quarry" during Palestinian Awareness Week.
The article drevv criticism fro1n many students
for being an unfair representation of Palestinian
activism on campus and biased in support of the
federal investigation.
In July, the UC Advisory Council on
Ca1npus Clin1ate, Culture, and Inclusion
released a report on Je,vish experiences on UC
ca1npuses, recommending that the UC crack
down on anti -Israel events and activities, which
they consider "hat e speech", in attempt to make
the UC a more welcom ing place for Jewish
Zionist studen ts. 1l1e report drew a significant
amount of 1nedia criticism for silencing
Palestinian solidarity groups and Jewish students
who are critical of Israel. A month later, the
California State Asse1nbly passed a non-binding ,
bi-partisan resolution in support of the Council
C limate report, pressuring th e UC to silence
univers ity-sponsored criticisms of Israel.
For more information on UCSC Israel/
Palestine activism, get in touch v,ith the
organizers of the involved organizations. Here
are the statements of intent for th e orgs that are
1nost involved. If you'd like to reach out to then1
or attend a 111eeting,google them or find the1n
on Facebook to find out when they 1neet (ti1nes/
places tend to vary quarter to quarter ).

/ Orgs involved:
Olive Tree Initiative (OTI)
The Olive Tree Initiative (OTI) wasdesigned to allowcollegestudents
who areaffectedby the Israeli/Palestinian
conflict,to startdialogueand
to takepositive andpeacebuilding actions toward thecurrent situation in
the region. OTI is alsodesigned to give studentsthe opportunity to travel
to both Israeland the West Bank to seethe different viewpoints presented
by each side, andgivestudents a chance to lookat both sidesequally and
work for a betterand more peacefuloutcome in the region.

Committee for Justice in Palestine (CJP)
The Committee for Justice in Palestine wasfirst foundedon the
UCSCCampusin 2003.It is a student-run organization formedin orderto
educatestudentsandthe local commun
ity about the Palestinianstruggle
for independence
in the light of the ongoing Israelioccupa
tion. Educational
rs, andculturalevents will be part of
the agendaof exposing the struggle to UCSCstudents andthe general
The CJPwelcomes everyone to their meetings, andwill not
discriminate against anyone due to their political, social, or ideological
views.The CJPis only here to educateandhelpcreate an understanding
of the Palestinian peopleand their struggle.

Santa Cruz Israeli Action Committee (SCIAC)
The SantaCruz IsraelAction Committee is a student-ledorganization.
As an organization,we promote a Pro-Israel voice on the UCSCcampus
and help contribute to a thriving Jewish Commu
nity in the town of Santa
Cruz, California. SCIAC is Pro-Israel, Pro-Awarenessand Pro-Peace.We
proudlybelievein Israel'sright to exist as a Democrat
ic, Jewishstate in the
Middle Eastwith peaceful andsecure borders.

Leviathan Jewish Journal
Leviathan JewishJournal is an open medium throughwith Jewish
students and their allies may freelyexpresstheir opinions. We are
committed to responsibly
ng the viewsof eachindividual author.
Everyquarter we aimto publish a full andbalanced spectru
m of media
exploring Jewishidentity and socialissues.The opinionspresentedin the
journal do not alwaysrepresentthecollective opinion of Leviathan'sstaff,
the organizedJewish community, or theUniversity of California.

Hillel is a home-away
-from-homefor Jewish students oncampus.
We seeto providea vibrantandwelcomingcommunity, regardlessof
knowledgeor background. Hillel's missionis to enrichthe livesof Jewish
undergraduate and graduate students so that they mayenrichthe Jewish
people and the world. Hereat Santa Cruz Hillel,we dothis by providing
resourcesfor student-initiated programs
, including socialactivities,
educational programs, religiouscelebrations, andsocial-action outreach.
We arecommitted to excellence, innovation, accountab
ility, and results.





1n our


What is the
Prison Industrial

It was May 9, 2011. "Occupy the capitol. Take back
our education." Inspirationa l catch phrases ran through our
hearts and minds as my closest friends and I boarded buses to
Weeks before, we had watched as the people of Wisconsin
Aooded their capitol building, shutting do,vn state government
in an attetnpt to block a pie ce of anti-union legislation put forth
by the ir conservative governor. We were hoping to spark a similar
1novement of bodi es. We were still a few months a,vay fron1 the
beginning of Occupy Wall Street, but there ,vas so1nething in the
air. The day was not what we expected; still, this ,vas a moment
that changed 1ny perception of the ,vorld forever.
As our numbers dwindled, the police closed in, announcing
that anyone ,vho did not leave the rotunda would be arrested.
Apparently, ,ve needed a pern1it to chant inside the building.
As I reluctantly left, the doors imn1ediately slammed behind
1ne. Pressed up against the glass, I ,vatched as 1ny friends linked
arms and chanted. They would not be moved willingly. One by
one, the police officers picked them off. Some strugg led, some
gave the officers lip, some just walked silently. All of their backs





mn 11111nm




,vere straight, their heads high. One by one I saw the police take
away the people I loved most, and I could do nothing to help
them. The next 12 hours ,vould be chaos as those of us ,vho had
not been arrested ran around Sacramento attetnpting to do jail
support for the 72 people who had been arrested. Insid e Sac
County Jail, my friends were being cran1med into s1nall cages,
man handled, and injected ,vith unknown vaccines.
That is the day they made a soldier out of me.
That day I experienced what Corne! West calls "death".
He describes how part of our perceptions must die so that a
new consciousness can be born. From that day on I kne,v I
,vould devote 1ny life to the abolition of the Prison Industrial
Complex (PIC).
The term 'industrial complex' refers to an elaborate and
n1ulti-layered industry devoted to surveillance, policing,
imprisoning, and later patrolling a massive volu1ne of people.
As Angela Davis said, the capitalist system has created a
means of concentrating and exploiting the unen1ployed , the
underemployed, and other members of capitalism's "hu man
surplus" (Davis, 2003). Currently there are 2.6 1nillion people
behind bars in the United States, and over 7 111illionon parole,
awaiting trial, in detention camps, or other,,vise wrapped up in
the Prison Industrial Con1plex (C hicago , 2011). The United
States has imp rison ed more peopl e than any country ever.
This is possible because the PIC is more than an economic
institution . It is a cycle that both benefits from and recreates
domination and hann. TI1eatrocities that happen within prison
are covered up and justified because the people in prison have
been labeled as 'deservi ng' of such terrible treatment. Ableism,
ageism, classisn1, homophobia, racism, sexis1n, xenophobia,
and cissexism all intersect to empower the PIC. All of the
oppression that ,nay be explicitly or in1plicitly experienced in
our dai ly lives is violently re-enacted ,vithin the walls of the
prison. Outside the prison, bigoted legislation, acts of civil
disobedience, lack of access to housing, jobs , hea lth care, and
education place certain co1nmunities at risk of being tangled up
in me PIC. Instead of looking at the structural causes for these
problems, the 1nainstrea1n national narrative describes these
com 1nunities and peopl e as 'low life criminals.' By labeling these
peop le as 'cr iminals', both the law and the public cast a blind
eye to their treattnent. Most people experience varying degrees




of psychological, physical, and emotional trauma within the have shown that those ,vho co1nmit violent crimes have often
prison walls. Once let out, they are disenfranchised from society. been the victin1 of violence the1nselves. Why then are cages,
Adjusting to life on the outside, sometimes after years or being disenfranchise1nent, physical torture , and denial of resources
separated from fami ly and friends, can be a slow and painful used as forms of 'rehabilitation' ? If pub lic safety is truly the
process , compounded with the fact that it is incredibly difficult goal than continuing the cycles of violence is not the answer.
to get job with a felony or misdemeanor on your record. These Ho,vever , when ,ve vie"v those inside as heartless criminals,
and other factors contribute to a massive recidivis1n rate, over we dehumanize them. Prisoners become 'undeserving' of the
65% in CA ("Recidivism," 20 I 2). As Kris O lsson, an ex-prisoner public's empathy and therefore can be used by the elite for profit
and the founder of Sisters
and power.
What I witnessed was
Inside said, "they put you in
there to learn a lesson, but it is
the PIC being used as a tool
Incarcerated Americans
never the lesson they think you
of control. A tool to not only
are going to learn" (20 I I Panel,
Inside Out Writing Project ) .
but to send a message to a
Sources :
Justice Policy Institute Report:The Punishing Oecado.
She explains further that the
potential movement. If you
& U.S. Bureau of Justice Stat istics Bulletin
NCJ 219416 • Prisonersin 2006
prison is a violent institution ,
choose to speak out , you will
and it teaches those inside that
be punished. Hindsight has
1.000,000 +--+---+-----+--+---+this violence is necessary for
shown me that May 9 ,vas only
the tip of th e iceberg. What I
The media is an essent ial
witnessed that day was only a
tool of th e PIC, giving us images
piece of much larger system, a
of ,vhat a criminal is supposed
system that my race and class
1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2006
to look like. Television shows
has protected me from. That
such as Cops,CS!, and Law and
day I had the privilege to ,valk
Orderall paint a similar picture: that those inside are psychotic, away from arrest. For con11nunities of color, queer people, trans
usually men of color, and that br ave men dressed in blue are people, poor people, and life long political activists, the PIC is a
here to keep everyone safe. These images sho,v the public what daily reality. The PIC was created and has been adapted to target
a criminal is supposed to look like, how they think , and ,vhere these demographics.
they live. They separate th e world into a binary of good people
Take for instance the "school to prison pipeline". This term
describes "a disturbing national trend wherein children are
and bad people. A binary that , in reality, does not exist.
These i1nages of heartless criminals perpetuate the idea that funneled ou t of public schools and into th e juvenile and criminal
the PIC keeps us safe. The question I receive n1ost often when justice systems. Many of these children have learning disabilities
discussing aboli tion is "What do you do with all the rapists and or histories of poverty, abuse or neglect, and wou ld benefit fro1n
the murders? " It is i1nportant to
counseling services. Instead,
note that the 1najority of people These images o f hear tless criminals pe,·pet uate
are in prison for nonviolent
they are isolated, punished
t he idea that th e PIC keeps us safe.T he
offenses, but more deeply,
and pushed out. Public schoo ls
que stion I receive most oft en w hen discussing are severely under -funded and
there is an assu1nption behind
this question. An assumption
consequently have an incentive
abo litio n is "What do you do with all th e
that those who commit these
to push out lo,v-perfonn ing
rapists and the murders?"
crimes are 'bad' people , and
students who ,vould need
1nore resources and one-onthat punish1nent is the only
way for them to see the error of their ways. This menta lity is not one attention. This, coupled vvith the public's demand for a
only found on the TY screen, it comes from 'tough on cri1ne' heavy handed response to a series of highly-publicized school
politicians on both sides of the isle, prison guards' unions , private shootings, has pushed schools towards embracing zero-tolerance
prisons , prison construction co1npanies , investment banks, law policies that automatically impose severe punishment regardless
enforcement, victim s' rights groups, prosecuting attorneys, and of circumstances. Under these policies, students have been
expelled for bringing nail clippers or scissors to school. Rates of
These people all stand to make huge profits and gain social suspension have increased dramatically in recent years- from
and political control by pro1noting this narrative. 'Public safety' 1.7 million in 1974 to 3.1 million in 2000 - and have been
is a facade, for in reality, the prison does nothing to prevent most dramatic for children of color ("Pipel ine," n.d.).
1nurder and rape , and in fact perpetuates these violences. Studies
Once expelled or suspended, students are likely to have

little supervision and often fall far behind in their education.
If these children fail to "shape up", the next step is a juvenile
detention center. This disenfranchisen1ent is an essential part
of the PIC . TI1ese zero-tolerance policies limit certain children 's
opt ions. While affluent ,vhice students are pressured to pick a
prestigious college and excel in AP courses , many poor children
of color are forced to navigate the complexities and prejudices of
our criminal just ice system.
While so1ne students have macbooks in their classrooms
and college recruits walking the halls, many 'under perforn1ing'
schools have metal detectors and po lice officers. Instead of
resources going towards more teachers or new text books , they
go to funding a school that looks 1nore like a prison than a place
for grov,th and learning.
The language of the prison system blames the individual.
The individual made bad choices, and therefore must be


punished. TI1e school to prison pipeline is just one example of
how certain den1ographics are targeted and coerced into entering
the revolving door of the prison system. Abolishing the PIC is
more than tearing down the \valls of the prison. It is a process of
understanding how the PIC is a tool of racial control. The PIC
both depends on, and creates systen1atic oppression.
I say they made a solruer out of n1e on May 9th because
that day broke my heart. The process of opening our eyes, of
dying , is a painful one. I began to see me connections between
the pol ice, the 1nedia, our government, schools , and the prison
system. I now understand chat police, cages, and survei llance do
not keep us safe , but prevent our true freedom. Ultimately , that
day was just the beginning. It gave me a glimpse of what is a
daily reality for 1nillions of peop le in this country. On that day
I found my fight, and I ,vish I was over-exaggerating \vhen I say
that it a fight for our very humanity.

Davis, Angela Y.Are Prisons Obsolete? New York:Seven Stories Press , 2003. Print.
Chicago PIG Teaching Collective. N.p., n.d. Web . 31 Aug. 2012.
"California's recidivism rate drops but remains one of the nation's highest .'"What The Folly?! N.p., n.d. Web. 31 Aug. 2012.
"Wh at Is The School-to -Pr ison Pipeline?" American Civil Liberties Union , n.d. Web. 31 Aug. 2012.

In regards to the

Violencevs Non-ViolenceDebate
"We are opposedto violence-the violenceof hungry
children, illiterate adults, diseased old people, and the
violenceof povertyand profit We have asked,petitioned,
gone to courts, demonstratedpeacefully, and voted for
politiciansfull of empty promises. But we still ain't free."
-Young Lords Party,a Puertorriqueno formation similar to the
Panthers, c.1970s
During a march last January carried out by Occupy
Oakland and allies, 400 people, inc luding n1yself, were kecded
by the police and arrested. We were forced to stand for hours ,
cra1nmed so closely together it ,vas difficult to breathe. Our
clothing remained saturated in tear gas from earlier, when riot
police brutally attacked the march, using batons , Rash grenades ,
and rubber bullets against protesters. Once at Santa Rita Jail, I
spent over t\vo days in a freezing holding cell with 24 won1en.
Accorrung to the sign right outside, the maximum capacity was
nine. TI1e lights were always on and we had to strategically figure
out ways to trade off trying to sleep because \Ve were literally

piled on top of one another. We were denied telephone use for
24 hours , and never given any information about our charges
(even to this day, none have been filed). My stay was brief
co1npared to all those locked inside, but what I experienced \Vas
the brutality and dehu1nanization chat is the nonnal operation
of the US penal system. So when I returned home to have a
friend ask if it ,vas true that protesters were thro\ving rocks and
being "violent ," I lost my patience. I had spent the weekend
witnessing screan1ing from cells, people being interrogated
\vithout their consent, denied HIV and anxiety n1edication,
called '\vhores" and other derogatory slurs, and placed in solitary
confine1nent because their gender identity didn't 111atchA or B.
That is violence.
TI1e proble1n \Vith the narrative of nonvio lence vs. violence
is that it creates "appropriate" forms of protest and cri1ninalizes
resistance that falls outside of those boundaries. In the media,
the \vord "violent " will often appear to describe protesters \vho
smashed a bank window or set up an encampment where they




could provide for each other what this society denies to the vast rejected a Corps of Engineers request for $27 n1illion to pay
,najority of people. The free circul ation of food , shelter , education,
for infrastructure for hurri cane protection , and proposed one
,nedical care, and life skills that characterized the Occupy sites for $3.7 million instead. And \vhile it may be tempting to
posed a threat to tho se v.1ho profit fron1 the com,nodification of bla,ne Bush, th ese projects have never been th e priorities of
such basic human rights. 1l1ese com,nunities are not spaces of Republican or Democratic ad,ninistrations ("Broken Levees,"
charity, though, because they created a forum and framework
2005) , especially in poor con1muni ties of color.
to organize together, to empower one another to determine our
Hurricane Katrina exposed th e deep racial divides present
own futures - and to fight a systen1 that has long been fighting in the United States , and the overt racism of the federal
government - in its lack of response to the disaster, but also
Demonizing protest not only justifies police brutality against in th e living conditions of people in New Orleans before the
those who resist, but distracts from an analysis that recognizes the levees broke. Residents were "lacking in health care, living-wage
violence that makes up our everyday lives under capitalis1n. We e1nploy1nent ... ,vracked by chronic illness, a terri ble education
don't need a pledge of nonviolent purity
system, and \videspread disability,
in our act ivist spaces- what vve need
[which] reAected th e tenuous fabric
We don't need a pledge
is a deeper understanding of the state's
of urban cultur e in the United
investment in its structural violenceof nonviolent purity in our
States- a culture just a disaster away
in racis,n , sexism, heteronormativity,
from total collapse" (Stabile, 2007).
activist spaces-what
poverty, environmental
explo itation ,
In the news coverage following the
and war. We 1nust understand that we
event, discussions about injustice and
understanding of the state's
will not end oppression by morally
displacement were actively avoided.
Whenever the narrative became so
appealing to our oppressors. I do not
investment in its structural
1nean to say that violen ce is necessarily
clearly about governn1ent neglect,
violence-in racism ,
the only way to counter po,ver, but that
policing, and racial profi ling, a distant
sexism , heteronormativity,
restricting ourselves, and others, to a
news anchor would reel the coverage
poverty, environmental
back to a discussion of la\vlessness
code of pacifism is unnecessary and
and looting , ,vhich framed th e police
exploitation, and war. We
The ,nain action of that day, led by
as heroic protectors and th e black
must understand that we
over a thousand people, was to reclaitn
men as prone to cri1ne. What does
will not end oppression by
"looting " even mean in this situation ,
a vacant building in hopes of creating
a n1uch-needed community center for
\vhen th e government neglects entire
morally appealing to our
Oakland. This was an act to con1bat the
populations because th ey are poor
violence of capitalism, a system \vhere
and non-white? The 1nedia act ively
the masses are exploited to maximize
criminalized people for seeki ng out
profits for the few. And while the 1nedia and politica l elite may resources they needed to live; resources that ,vere kept fron1
describe these actions as "violent," we explicitly reject that the then1 to protect potential profits. Fra1ning the victims in thi s
appropriation of property is violent or ,vrong. We maintain that way took th e spotlight ofF an unaccountable government. The
property itself is violent: what it takes to n1ake it, get it, and reality is, 1nany of those left behind ,vere "elderl y, disabled, or
keep it, often includes threat s to bodies and entire communities.
caregivers for such people; they lived in institutions like nursing
Violence is having to sell our labor , being thro\ vn out of our homes , hospitals, and prisons that had tnade no provisions for
homes by banks , and not having access to education or health evacuating chronically or terminally ill patients or those who
had been incarcerated" (Klein, 2007).
care. Militarism, imperialist wars, and the ever-expanding
prison-industrial complex - that, is violence. Resistance to such
According to community act ivists, 20,000 people, all black
violen t institutions will not always appear "peaceful."
and low-in come, remain displaced and separated from their
We simply cannot talk about violence without talking about com,nun ities since Katrina (Nguyen, 2010). Again, this is not
because of the hurricane. It's because the natural disaster was
the structural violence that th e state creates and perpetuates.
As an exa,nple let's look at Hurricane Katrina , which is often seen as an opportunity for corpora te lobbyists and govern,nent
framed as a "natural disaster" but is also fraught ,vith politics officials to re-build a more profitable and privatized Ne,v
of race, socioeconomic class, and criminal ization. The thing Orleans. Richard Baker, a prominent Republican congressn1an,
is, the levees never shou ld have broke. Scientists predicted it made thi s very clear when he remarked, "We finally cleaned up
public housing in Ne,v Orleans. We couldn't do it, but God
could happen, th at the levees could not withstand a Category
5 hurricane like Katrina. 1l1e Bush Administration even did" (Klein , 2007). As th e city's homelessness rate doub led, the


federal governmen t and private firms collaborated
in a land grab for th e constr uction of con dos and
charter schools. We must call into question who this
"develop1nent" is for; who this vision of a "brighter
future " benefits, and ,vho it shuts out.
If we ,vant to cha nge the world, vveare go ing to
have to do it ourselves. The systems of oppression
we cur rentl y live under, and inAict onto others
in the US and globally, are too complex and
too profitable to be fixed by asking a politician
(even a well-int en tion ed one ) . If ,ve are serio usly
dedicated to social justice, our energy should not
be focused on defending our o\vn inno cence and
n1orality but instead standing in firn1 opposition
to th e unre lenting violence of the state. TI1e state
will defend itself by any means necessary, so our
disc ussion of violence should not be an argu1nent
over whether rocks should have been thr o,.,vn.
We kno\v \vho is violent and \vho is str uggling to
defend a vision of a better world; it is in our hearts.
We can fight for liberation \Vith a diversity of tactics


\vhile still being critical of ourselves to ensure \Veare
not recreating th e violence of th e state.
We have to qu estion why certain forms of
protest are deemed acceptable by th e po lice,
politicians, and th e corporate media. What is th e
difference between a one-day rally and the liberat ion
of a buildin g for long-term use? One can be easily
managed by th e ruling class, whil e the other is a
tang ible step to\vard self-determ inati on and our
democratic future.

"I don't favor violence . If we could
bring about recognition and respect for
our people by peacefu l means, well and
good. Everybody would like to reach
[our] objectives peacefully. But I am also
a realist. The only people in this country
who are asked to be nonviolent are [the
oppressed]." -Malcolm X, 1965

"Broken Levees : Why They Failed." Rep. Washing ton, D.C. : Center for Progressive Reform , 2005. Web. 3 1 Aug. 20 12.
Klein, Naorri . The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. New York : Metropolitan/H enry Holt, 200 7. Print.
Nguyen , Tram . "Pushed Out and Pushing Back in New Orleans ." Co/or/ines. Applied Research Center, 0 7 Apr. 201 0. Web . Aug. 201 2.
Stabile , Carol A. "No Shelter From the Storm ." South Atlantic Quarterly 106 .4 (2007): 690 -702. Academ ic Search Complete. Web. 3 1 Aug .
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Once you leave campus and enter the city of Santa
Cruz, there 's an entirely new set of rules and regulations to
be aware of. If you're ,valking out of Urban Outfitters in
Aashy apparel, carrying a purse, or sporting a back pocket
full of cash, you probably don't have much to worry about.
But , if you happen to don a scruffier look, police ,viii use
the above la,vs to keep you out of the do,vntown area.
These laws are designed for the persecution of individuals
,vithout the financial means for housing: the estimated
2,800 homeless people of Santa Cruz (McCord, 2011).
Technically , thes e regulations are supposed to be for
everyone, which would n1ake public space uninhabitable.
They are designed to keep people moving, providing no
free place to sit and take a much needed break, unless
of course you have a recently pur chased cup of coffee in
your hand, or a large shopping bag full of new shoes.
Unfortunately th e police aren't the only ones who
frequently harass the hon1eless population. A right-,ving
group , 'Take Back Santa Cruz has often capitalized on
local tragedies in an effort to stir up anti-homeless hate.
Their members have been kno,vn to beat up and brutalize
locals who n1ake th eir homes in Santa Cruz.
Many ho1neless shelters are far from kind to the

homeless as well. Some have been kno,vn to turn away
some folks on the basis of their 1noralizing n1essages.
Hom eless are often subject to drug tests as a qualifier to
basic hu1nan needs, like water, she lter, and food. Imagine
yourself being drug tested as a precondition to entering
your dorm or dining hall.
This trend of crimi nalizing the poor terrorizes a
fragile population and promotes an atmosphere of
hostility, a sense of unease. 1l1e city's extensive police force
may imply a concern for safety, but its la,v enforcen1ent
priorities reflect a stronger concern for the property
rights of do,vntown businesses than for the well-being of
the members of our town's lo,vest economic strata. 1l1e
reality is that homeless people reduce tourism , and that
just can't be tolerated by those whose priority is a profit

a report
, visit

McCo rd, Shanna. "Coun ty's Homeless Population Soars 22 Percent in Two Years." Santa Croz Sentinel , 26 Ju ly 2011. Web . 08 Sep. 2012 .



ORE than 10,000
N at ive Am eri cans once
lived in the co asta l regio n
stret ching from Point Sur
to the Monter ey Bay In fact,
befo re the advance of Spanish
co lon ists, Cen t,-al C alifornia had
th e most pop u lated commun ity
of indigenous peoples
anywhere north of Mex ico. The
Spaniar ds who came in sear ch
of 'savage s' to 'civilize; as wel l as
labor and res our ces to explo it,
arrived (lite ,-ally) m illenn ia after
th e original inhabit ants of th e
area: the Co stan o an, o r, Oh lone
peo p le.


Ohlone is a Miwok Indian word
1neaning '\vestern people," and both
Ohlone and Costanoan refer to a
grouping of sn1aller tribes in Central
California who shared a similar
language . Ainong the 10,000 Ohlone,
there were about 40 different groups,
all with their own distinct culture. The
Hordean Ohlone of what is knov,n
conten1porarily as Santa Cruz, or
"Holy Cross," is but one. These groups
inhabited different territory, and had
varying social practices and customs,
as well as largely unique languages.
Still, it is possible to speak generally
about the Ohlones because the groups
held much in common.
The Ohlone attitude tov,ard
the ir environment was characterized
by respect, fostered by a direct and
un,nediated relationship with their
bioregion. Whi le they too altered the
landscape somewhat, their dan1aging
impa ct on wildlife ,vas minimal incomparable to the wreckage caused
by industrial capitalism. Whether
fishing for salinon and sturgeon,
gathering seeds or brome grass, or

collecting clams and oysters, basic daily
sustenance of the Ohlone was achieved
through the direct use of their bodies
interacting with the environment. The
earth ,vas seen as a vast and intricate
network deserving of respect and a,ve,
rather than as a simple mass of objects
or resources to be exploited. This ,nore
tightly integrated relation between the
human population and other forms of
animal and plant life, in tandem with
the inti1nacy of the social relationships
within the groups , might explain the
harmony said to have been found in
1nuch of Ohlone life before invasion.
To further understand the deep
bonds ,vithin Ohlone society, it is
important to recognize that each tribe
between roughly two
or three hundred people. There was
virtually no leaving such a situation
unless one was cast out completely.
Such ostracization did occur, but it
was very rare and reserved only for
the greedy or aggressive. Malcolin
Margolin , author of The Oh/oneWay,
writes of greed: "Acquisition was not
an Ohlone 's idea of ,vealth or security."
After a hunt , for exa,nple, the hunter
would not prepare meat for hin1self,
but would rather distribute the bounty
to fa,nily and friends first. For this,
the hunter would receive admiration
and respect, as well as a kind of
insurance that th ey ,vould be treated
with similar trust and benevolence.
This is what would be recognized
today as a "gift econon1y," a method
for the distribution of goods without
bureaucracy, through a net,vork of
friends and family. This ,vorld of
collective security and mutual aid was
unheard of to Europeans who felt that
a strong (i.e., oppressive) government
was the cornerstone of society.

1697-183 4

PON the arrival of the somber grayrobed missionaries , the first response of
the Ohlone can best be described as fright
and awe. The stability that existed among
the Ohlone for centuries was suddenly
shocked into a new reality. A member of
the Portola expedition wrote of the Ohlone
reaction to the Franciscan Monks: "Without
kno,ving ,vhat they did , some ran for their
weapons , then shouted and yelled , and the
,vomen burst into tears." But this was to be
only a minor hysteria compared to ,vhat was
to befall the Ohlone in coming years. When
the Missionaries appeared to intend no
harm, the Ohlone treated the new-comers
quite warn1ly," bearing gifts of fish seed
cakes, roots, and deer or antelope meat."
At first some people came voluntarily
to the missions, entranced by the novelty
of the n1issionaries' dress , their n1agic and
metallurgy, their seeming benevol ence.
Others were captured through force.
The 1nission project was created with the
stipulation that the Natives would only
be held captive and forced into cultural
"assimilation " camps for a period of ten
years, after which they would be "weaned
away fron1 their life of nakedness , lewdness
and idolatry." Ten years of captivity and
torture were just the beginning for the
Ohlone. TI1eir language ,vas criminalized,
they were forced to pray like "vhite people,
dress like ,vhite people, eat like white people,
to raise catde, abandon traditional native
crafts, farm, etc .
In the Missions, Oh lones were baptized
,vithout kno,v ledge of the in1plications of
the ritual. The Spanish believed they had
tide over the Ohlones, could hold them
,vithout consent , and deprive them of any
vestige of freedom or their previous culture.




The Spanish postulated by torture and imprisonment these 'heathens'
would be transformed from "bestias" (beasts) to "gente de razon" (people
of reason ) . If they attempted escape, soldiers were deployed to recapture
them. Rout ine escapees ,vere "whipped, bastinadoed, and shackled, not
only to punish them but to provide an example to the others."



500 Y£AR

- .:...._










~•1•,... ......,...


. -

OME Ohlones acknov,ledged that the on ly ,vay they could


morale of the Ohlone , ,vere diseases such as inAuenza, smallpox,
preserve their way of life was through the employment of syphilis, measles and mumps. These often were intentionally
political violence, also mor e favorably kno,vn as self-defense. spread by Europeans, and were much more devastating to the
Certainly (1nuch like today) lav, had little to offer the Ohlone, Ohlone due to the lack of immunity to such diseases. Death
other than to reinforce their servility to the theocracy of the rates at the missions soared, while birth rates plun1n1eted. 'TI1is
1nission system. As such, along v.1 ith the consistent escapes fro1n ,vas partially a result of the isolation of women and men into
the missions, other more insurrectionary actions were taken by separate facilities (prisons) which were intended to enforce strict
the Ohlone .
chastity regulations. In just son1e sixty years, the missionary
project left the Oh lone peoples almost complete ly decin1ated.
As an Ohlone author put it on ( INDIANCA NYON.ORG ) :
Native arts like basket making were all but entirely forgotten.
Native dialects became mixed and muddled, or were deserted
"They res iste d in many ways.The restr ictions
entirely, forcib ly replaced with the dominant language of the
that the Padres seeme d to think were des irable
Spaniards. The gift and barter econo1ny that existed for centuries
for their neophytes , w illing or otherw ise. Santa
at least, along with the intricate network of tribal relations and
Cru z Mission was attacke d by some indigenous
collective responsibilities shared by the Ohlones, had virtually
res istance fighters who were pursuing the ir r ights

to life and liberty."
Phil Lavertywrote of the attack on N1issionSanta Cruz:

"On the night of Decem ber 14, 1793, Mission
Santa Cr uz was attacke d and pa r t ially burned
by members o f the Q uiroste tr ibe, an Ohlo nean
gro up Oust 20 miles north of modern -day Santa
Cru z]. Based on all available informat io n, th is
occ urr ence appe ars to be the first and perhaps
the on ly direct attack on a mission building in
Central Californ ia during the Span ish era . N ear ly
two years of arm ed res istan ce on the par t
of members o f the Q uiroste [O h lone ] tribe
pr eceded the attack, wh ich was proba bly the first
extended res istance against the Spanish in the
ent ire San Francisco Bay Area"

After California was ceded to Mexico fro1n Spain in the
1820s , the struggling Ohlone were jostled into a new but
equally disastrous position. 'TI1eMissions were turned over to the
Mexican state in 1834, and the O hlone ,vho had survived were
no,v legally free, but ,vithout much of the knowledge or resources
necessary to make it in the modern ,vorld (if this ,vas something
that was desired at all). Withou t a n1eans to sustain the1nselves,
some Indigenous Californians beca1ne servants to the Spanish ,
while others fonned ,vandering bands who subsisted by hunting
cattle, horses and sheep. This ,vas their only option, as the elk
and antelope had almost entirely disappeared. These bands of
"ouda,vs" ,vere the1nselves hunted and killed.
At Mission Do lores in 1850 , an old man speaks about his people:

Ohlone resistancewas on too small a scale ho,vever, to make
the critical difference. The only significant threat in the area,
the Qu.iroste, were defeated by sheer force in nun1bers and a
superior 1nilitaryapparatus.Another large blo,v to the health and

"I am very sad; my peo p le were once around me
like the sands o f the shore - many, many. Th ey
have gone to the mou ntains. I do not co mplain:

the ante lope falls w ith the arrow . I had a son-I loved
him.Whe n the pale-face s cam e he wen t away, I know
not where he is. I am a Christ ian Indian; I am all th at is
left of my peo ple. I am alone ."


Indigenous Land
Within United States,

With California's incorporation into the US in 1846 and the
coming of Anglo settlers, extermination becan1e 1nore overt and publi cly
acceptable. Indian killing ,vas a favorite pastime, and was at one time
subsidized by the US Govenunent. The 1850 Act for the Government
and Protection of Indians led to looser protections for Native children
already heavily exploited as young slaves and servants. This act also
ensured that Indigenous People's were withheld status as legal persons,
although the Treaty of Guada lupe Hidalgo already ostensibly secured
Indig eno us Californian's citizenship. With the Land Claims Act of 1851,
1nost remaining Indig eno us land was expropriated for the coming ,vhite
settlers. Racism and hatred of California Indians led to me impossibility of
th eir receiving fair trial, as virtually any white 1nan \Vould lie for another.
The new inhabitants of California mad e their desire clear in this article
from the Yreka Herald in 1853:

"We hope that the Gove rn men t will ren der such aid as
will enable the citizens of the nor th to carry on a war of
exterminat ion until the last redskin of the se tribes has
bee n killed . Exterminat ion is no longer a quest io n of t ime
- the t ime has arr ived, the work has com menced , and
let the first man tha t says treaty or peace be regarded as
a traito r." (Yreka Hera ld, 1853)
Between 1850 and 1870, indigenou s Californi ans experienced
perhap s the most bloody and murderous times in their histor y, with
squatters and supposed 'pioneers ' tracking and assaulting any Native
who could be found. In California, the population of 200,000-300,000
California Natives in 1848, was redu ced to 15,238 by 1890. As for th e
Ohlone , all 40 tribes and almost all 10,000 people are gone. The last fullblooded Ohlone died recently.

Despite the centuries of torment and subjugation , the
Ohlone are not dead. Last year, an energetic move1nent en1erged
to stop construction of a housing project on a former Ohlone
village and burial site located near Branciforte Creek. The group,
kno,vn as 'Save the Knoll' , fought tirelessly for two n1onths,
raising protests against the development. The group visited the
site of construction , disrupting the work and holding a religious
ceremony in honor of the site. TI1eir tactics of prote st ,vorked:
KB homes , the developer , agreed to stop construction.
But there is still a lot of \vork to be done. Another example

of a current Ohlone proj ect is the Indian Can yon Ran ch,
,vhich serves as an Indigenous cultural center and home for
Native Arnericans of man y tribal origins. Hop eful is Quirina
Luna- Costi llas, who has st udied the Mutsun Ohlone language
extensively, and started a foundation to research and teach it to
oiliers. Sotne have revived th e art of traditional basket-making
and storyte lling, and are ,vriting about various aspects of
Ohlone culture and histor y. These example s serve as a reminder
of a living, persevering culture, and as a wake-up call to those of
us who consid er th e Oh lone to be deceased.

M argolin, Malcolm. The Oh/one Way: Indian Life in the San Francisco-Monterey Bay Area . Berkeley: Heyday, 1978. Print.



AlanChadwick community garden
opens below what is nowMerrill.

• Governor ReaganattendsUC Regents
meeting at UCSCand is greeted by
massstudent protests.
• Students demandthat College7 be
calledMalcolmX Collegewith a focus
on domesticThird World concerns. It is
now Oakes.



Students take overa portion of the
commencement addressandpresent
an honorarydiploma to Huey Newton
(who at thetimewasin prison).Years
later, Newton earns a PhD from the
Historyof Consciousness


-' .

• US invadesCambodia
• Student strikes spreadnationally after
protestersat Kent Stateand Jackson State
are murderedby police.
• 1,800 students (of 2,200 total) takeover
Santa Cruz streets andmarch to City Hall
to demandthat we send a representa
DC to lobby for withdrawalfromVietnam.
• Many spring term classesarecancelled
or "reorgan
ized" to focus on VietnamWar
• Students burndraftcardsin the Quarry
• Large numbers of students participatein
closingdownof Hwy 1in front of Fort Ord
(US Armypost).
• Student bodypresident Stephen Goldstein
critiques UCPresident ClarkKerr'sbook,
Usesof theUniversit
y, at commencement
and Kerr refusesto speak afterhim.

• 73 neighborhood
activ ists successfu lly
organize to fight
the developme nt of
Lighthouse Field.
This effort marks
the begin ning of the
local environmental
movem ent.
• The first gay and
lesbian co nference at
UCSC att racts 120
peo ple.
• Gay Students Union
begins meeting .

• The Resource Center for
Nonviole nce is found ed. It is still
located at 6 12 Ocean Street

• Santa Cruz activists contribute
heavily to the creation of affinity
groups within People for a Nuc lear
Free Future and the Abalon e
Alliance who protest the building of
Diablo Canyon Nuclear Power Plant.
No nuclear plant has been built in
California since .


• Women's Studies is
approvedas a BA
• TheFarmopens to
further the study of
• Nancy (Shaw)
the first female
professor to come
out at UCSC.

in a teepeein the
Porter Meadow.

• Coal ition Against Institutional Racism
(CAJR) is formed . The group mobilizes
over 1,000 studen ts at Hahn
Adm inistration bu ilding to demand
that the University divest from South
African apartheid and reject the Bakke
decis ion outlawing affirmative action .
401 stude nts are arrested occu pying the
• A proposal is written calling for the
imp lementation of a Third World and
Nat ive American Stud ies (TWANAS)
program at UCSC . The intent was
to examine the dyna mic of race and
class interacti ons as a whole rather
than merely dwelling on the history of
opp ression and exploitat ion of each
individual group .



• Save our Shores is created in Santa Cruz to
spearhead the movement against offshore oil
• Ag roecology program found ed , ensuring the
con tinued existence of the Farm and Chadw ick
• UCSC Earth First! starts to holding meetings at
College Eight.

(Third World & Native American Studies)

A grow th limitation is
created in Santa Cruz
which preserves a
"g reenbelt" through
Measures O and J .

1. Ed Castillo, the only instructor teaching
Native American studies, is dismissed. UC
Santa Cruz still lacks Black studies, Chicano
studies, or Asian and Pacific Islander studies
2. TWANAS and the Native AmericanStudies
Support Group merge and decide to present
specific demands to secure permanent
faculty positions.

• Openly gay professor Nancy
(Shaw) Stolleris denied tenure
despite the recommendations of her
department, outside reviewers, and
an ad-hoc committee.After a long
legalbattle, Stoller wins in 1987
and returns to teach.
• Nearly 10,000 protestat Lawrence
LivermoreNati onal Lab, one of two
UC-managednuclear weapons
production sites. 1,475people are

3. Nearly 60 0 people march to the Chancellor's

• Anti-nuclear activists
createthe JJa1ii 11
Ac ti l' e J i.1J1
es and
distribute 100,000
copies overthe next few
• The first issueof the
S newspaperis
• The first waveof
progressivesis elected
into SC City Council.
By 1983,progressives
constituted the majority
on the council, a trend
that continuesto this

office and present demands which are to be
answered within five days. The University's
responsedoesn't specifically address the
demands, instead proposing the formation
of yet another committee.
4. The TWANASSupport Coalition organizes
another rally in response, and 25 people

commit to not eating until all demands are
5. Third World and Native Americanfaculty
meet and unanimously agree to support the
hunger strike, which lasted five days.
6. The University agrees in writing to:
a. One tenure track faculty member in bo th
Asian-Ame rican Studies and Native American
Studies .
b. The cont inuance of a part -time po sition in
Asian-Ame rican Studies.
c. Ad ditional funding for staff to search for and
hire these faculty.
d . To replace Third World and Native American
faculty who go on leave in adherence with
affirmative acti on guid elines.
e. A proposal to the Ac ademic Senate that
each studen t be required to take a course
substantially focused on Native American
and/ or the domes tic Third World.
f. Increased financial supp ort for the Third
World Teaching Resource Center.

• First Take Back the Night at UCSC
is organized in reaction to multiple
serial murderers, including the son
of a provost.

Over 1,000 p eople are arrested
blocking the entrance to the
Lawrence Liverm ore Weapons Lab.
Five days later more than 6 ,000 join
hands around the lab in oppo sition to
the lab's work and in suppo rt of the
arrested blockad ers. In respons e, the
Departm ent of Energy buys a 196acre "security buffer zone" around
the lab .
• Santa Cruz b ecom es a "Nuclear
Free County.''
• Demands from 198 1 TWANAS
hunger strike remain unmet.
• Oakes Colleg e ethnic studies
courses are d issolved .
• John Laird, a UCSC grad , is
elected mayo r of Santa Cruzthe first openly gay mayor in the





TWANAS circulates
a petitio n that shows
overwhelrri ng
student suppo rt for
the ethnic stud ies
general educa tion

• Years of student protestpayoff
as theUCbecomesthe largest
public institutionyetto takea stand
against aparthe
id in SouthAfrica.
Actionsareheld at all UC campuses,
including mockshantytow
ns, sit
ins, teach-ins andrallies.These
causedsuchdisruption andbad
pressfor the UCthat it sold its $3
billion in stockholdings of companies
with tiesto South Africa. Mandela
would later statethat the UC
divestment campaignwasa key
part of international pressure to end
• What is nowthe Queer FashionShow
is startedat Crown or Merrill. It is
called the "Alternative Fashion Show."

• UCSC/Big Creekstartslogging at Elfland(a redwood
grove)over holidaybreak.42 people are arrested in a
day-long demonstrat
ion. Native shell site is trampled
and sacredsites are destroyed. Construction of
Colleges 9/10begins.
• Studentsand localactivistsshut down Highway 1to
protest Operation DesertStorm.
• AfricanAmerican Resource andCultural Center opens.

Rainbow Theater founded by Don Williams.
Despite con tinued atte rrpts to lay off Williams ,
consisten t activism has ensured that the group
cont inues today .


• EOP/SM sponso
rs a forumfor all Third
World students and / T11it:
r 'J1/11·1)1115
/ .lcti (J11is born. UTA drewtogether a
coalition of ThirdWorld organizations.
petition drive collects 1500
student signatures supporting the ethnic
studies GE requirement. Petitionsare
to the Academic
whichvotesto includethe requirement.
This meansVICTORY after 13years.
• Student Union Assembly (SUA) founded to
put students in a better bargaining position
with the administration on campus-wide
• Localfeminists, ledby formerfashion
model Ann Simonton, protestthe Miss
California pagean
t which was heldin Santa
Cruz. Simonton wearsa dressof raw meat
to highlightthe objectificationof women
and is among the arrested.Next yearthe
pageant moves to SanDiego.
• Westsideneighborsorganize Westside
nity Health Clinic (later becomes
Planned ParenthoodDowntown).
• The Women's Center opens.

• Protest at Lawrence Livermore Lab. 2 ,000
• GLBT co nference "Exposed! " att racts 500
people from around the country.

• City Counc il explicitly un-invites Navy from
visiting harbor for recruitment efforts.
• Gay Lesbian Bi Trans lntersex Resource
Center ("ln tersex·• added in 2003) space is
wo n by students .

• Earth Night Action topples power tower in
Aptos and blacks out Santa Cruz for two
days .
• For three days, studen ts from the Coalition
on Democ ratic Education take over the
Chancellor's office , sleeping in the foyer of
McH enry Library. The action helps ensure
that ethnic studies courses are listed in the
Schedule of Classes.

15 ,000 peo ple gather
Dow ntow n to honor the
victims of the US atom ic
bo mbing of Japan.
• Walnut tree action by
Santa Cruz Earth First!
fails to save old tree
behind former Books hop
site. City sells wood
at a profit. Proteste rs
march to demons tration
and loc kdow n at Big
Creek Lumber Mill in
• Ethnic Student
Organization Council
(ESOC} forms out of
Third World and Native
American Stud ies
Coalition. ESOC plays
a key role in campus
politics over the next


• Afte r extensive negotiations w ith the
Regents , the UCSC Affirmative Act ion
Coalition (AAC) mobil ized over 500
people and shut dow n the campu s for
seven hours on Jan . 17 .
• Redwood Empire begins logging at
Gamec ock Canyon. Ac tivists blockade
Summit Road until injunction issued .
Resistance co ntinues over the next
three years until mo nkey-wrenching
finally ban krupts the co mpany, but not
before Gamecoc k Canyon is trashed .
• Chicano Latino Resource Center (El
Cent ro) opens
• Prop . 209 pass es . eliminating
affirmative actio n in CA . Studen ts
encircle Hahn Student Services building
for eight hours . The protest ends with
Chancellor M .R.C. Greenwoo d and the
stude nts issuing a stateme nt on how
the adm inistration wi ll support stude nt
efforts to ensure a diverse campus .

A teach-in on affirmative
action policies draws
500. Speake
rs include
American studies
professors Judy Young
andCurtis Marez, as well
aschancellor M.R.C.

1,000student protesters
ly halt
ion of grades.
• Asian American/
Pacific Islander
Resource Center

• In the academicyear
increaseby400%. This
wasthe lastpublished
• On the one-month
anniversary of 9/11,
1500 peopleralliedat
the base of campus to
opposea USinvasionof
• African-American,
American, and AsianAmerican/Pacific Islander
Resourcecenters openin
Bay Tree building.

Over 1,000 students demonstrate to end
once and for all the att empt to remove
evals. Nevertheless , mandatory grades are
voted in by the faculty senate. Evals are
kep t optiona l.
Ramsey Gulch Treesit started by Earth
First! wi th help from Canopy Ac tion
Network .

• Redwood Empire files a lawsuit that
wo uld bar treesitters from property, but
then w ithdraws it.
• Ame rican Indian Resource Cente r
(formerly Native American Resource
Center) opens .
• Engaging Educa tion is first
co nceptua lized with events organized
by the Ethnic Stude nt Organization
Council and SUA in response to
violence and racism on campus.
• Statew ide anti-swea tshop campai gn
succeeds when the UC Office of the
President ado pts a "Code of Conduct."
Loopholes in this policy later lead to
anoth er UC Sweat-Free campaign.

• A group of stude nt leaders pass a
referendum allocating funding to addr ess
UCSC 's low out reach and retention
rates , and act as a vital hub for self and
educa tional empower ment within the
com munity. The ballot measure swept the
spring 2003 stude nt elections wi th 69% of
the vote , setting up "Engaging Education "

or "e2 ."

Oct 14-15
As part of the largest strike in UC history, the
Coal ition of University Emp loyees (CUE, the
clerical wo rkers' union) and the American
Federation of Teachers (UC-AFT, the lectu rers'
union), stopped work at five different
campuses in response to "unfair labor
pract ices" on the part of the UC.
• Santa Cruz City Counci l weighs in on many
national/ international issues:
1. First city to pass resolutions against
US wa rs on Afgha nistan and Iraq.
2.Joi ns cities across the cou ntry in
oppos ing the Patriot Act, and raises
ques tion of impeac hment of Bush.
• A coa lition of nine student organi zations
named Standi ng United for Peace (SUP)
beco mes active:
1. Rallies: 700-800 stude nts rally on Oct.
7; 150 march around campus and
orches trate a 'die-in' on Nov. 20 ; and
300 demons trate on Mar. 5.
2. The SUP actions were each part
of nation-w ide days of actio n wi th
part icipation from schools across the
co untry.
3. SUP also organizes teach-ins , tabling ,
a peace carrp , and carpools to the big





• e2 center opens.
• UC Regents unanimously pass a Clean Energy
and Green Building po licy after a yearlong "UC Go
Solar!" campa ign by studen ts and Greenpeace .
• "Dump Sodexho " ca mpaign beg ins:

Foo d-service workers . students, and the
loca l AFSCM E 3299 come tog ether to start a
campaign to cance l the University's cont ract
w ith Sodexho . Sodex ho, the largest food
service provider in the wor ld , ran the dining
halls at UCSC, making obsce ne profits while
paying its workers poverty wages, not providing
healthcare or full-time employment, and
disrespecting dining hall staff on a daily basis.

• Starting spring qua rter, dining hall co ffee is purchas ed direct from a
coffee-grow ing coopera tive in Costa Rica through the Comnunity
Agroeco logy Netwo rk (CAN), earning $3 . 77/lb . for the farmer.
• A radical campus newspaper , The Project , starts up.

300 workers and students kicke d off a campa ign for a better con tract
for AFSCME workers w ith a rally at the chancellor 's office. 2,450 pledge s
by students to stand wit h workers , and 300 pledges signed by union
member s, were formally presented to the Chanc ellor's Office. This action
was just the beg inning of a larger campa ign for worker's rights .

US Marshals and FCC Agents raid Free Rad io Santa Cruz, but an
outpo uring of community suppo rt allows the station to get back on the air.



Ja11 20

150 studen ts and workers rally to dema nd that
the University cancel its contract with Sodex ho,
and that all workers currently employed by
Sodex ho be hired as full University employees.

UCSC Students Against War (SAW) forms.

Mar 3
UCSC publi cly agrees to coalition demands .

All former Sodexho employees are hired by the
University, wi nning dignified salaries, full time
jobs and health care for their farri lies. union
representation through AFSCME 3299 , and
respect. VICTORY!
• On the day after the war bega n, 20 ,000 people ,
includi ng many from Santa Cruz , shut down
San Francisco 's bus iness district with mass
civil disobedienc e. Protes ters targeted offices
of companies such as Bechtel and the Carlyle
Group , who stood to make millions off of the war.
• The Coalition to Demilitarize the UC forms
to end military research at the UC, inc luding
management of the nuc lear weapo ns labs.
• Students successfully lobby to get fair-trade
certified coffee served in the dining halls. This
ensured that at least $ 1.26/lb. of coffee w ent
to the coffee farmers , a vast improvement
over the $0 .55/lb pov erty wage offered by the
conven tional marke t.

SAW leads its first major action as students succ essfully kick
military recruiters out of a campus job fair.

Ap.- 1.4
AFSME 3299 strike SHUTS DOWN CAMPUS , leading
to a better cont ract for campus service workers , inc luding
sw eatshop -free uniforms.

Ap.- 1.8-22
Tent University Santa Cruz (TUSC) takes place at the base of
campus .

Ap.- 1.8
riot police arrest and brutalize students who refuse to leave the
base of campus after "free speech zone" hours end .

The DA drops all cha rges facing studen ts .

Spring elections: the adrri nistration co-opts students into paying
for basic services , as a large new fee barely wins to expan d the
problem-r idd en Health Center.

Oct 7
200 people turn out for a rally organized by the Studen t Wo rker
Coalition for Justice in suppo rt of striking metro bus drivers (UTU
Local 23). Drivers struck for 37 days against bad faith bargai ning
by the Metro Board of Directors.

Feb :1.5-:1.6

Oct 1.8

11 million people in 600 cities around the wor ld
make their oppos ition to a US invasion of Iraq
know n in the largest protest in history. 5,000 -7,000
(by po lice estimates) rally in dow ntow n Santa Cruz.

SAW organizes a "Queer Kiss-in" in front of military recruiter
tables at the fall job fair to highlight the military's discrirri natory

MSNBC leaks part of a Pentagon surveillanc e data base that lists
SAW's April 5 coun ter-recruitment action as a "credible threat" to
national security; SAW members work with the ACLU to release
the rest of the report.



TWANAS resumes pu blication of student
newspaper .

Feb 13-16
Studen ts organize a week -long event
called New Orleans: An Am erican
Disaster , to educa te the campus abo ut
the institu tionalized disparities magnified
by Hurricane Katrina

Money for Wages, Not for War rally
calls for a reprioritization of resources
to focus on the needs of low-p aid
service workers rather than weapons
development and war. The rally
correspo nds with anti-war studen t
strikes on several other campuses
nationwide .

Military recruiters withd raw from
upcom ing spring job fair.


SAW kicks recruiters off of campus for
the second year in a row .

The Move ment for Immigrant Rights
Alliance (MIRA) organi zes a week of
actions and awareness in suppo rt of
immigrant rights and May Day.


May 7-10

1OOsof stude nts rally at the base of
campus in support of immigrant rights
and then march to the beach flats to join
a com munity rally.

The Committee for J ustice in Palestine
organizes Palestine Awareness Week
events includ ing a mock checkpoi nt at
Quarry Plaza.


May9-1 7

Apr 11

UC Sweat -Free campaig n ends in victory.

SAW and anti-nuke activists from around
CA disrupt a UC Regents meeting. One
UCSC student is escorte d out of the
building for going over his 30 second limit
during the co mment period .

The Save Our Languages campaign
demands prioritization of UCSC
Language Programs.


The Affirmative Diversity Coal ition
holds mass rally to demand co ncrete
infrastruct ural support for diversity at


Oct 18
In response to a UC Regents visit, a
large coa lition of student s from a variety
of strugg les protest s in the regents'
co mment period. UC police quell
the crowd wit h peppe r spray (a
first in UC history) and arrest three
stude nts. Chancellor Blumenthal shows
no concern about the pepper sp raying
and co ndem,s the protest. Later the
admi nistration tries to make an example
out of one of the arrestees , a black
woma n named Alette Kendrick, by
suspe nding her for three years.

45 studen ts and faculty engage in
a nine-day hunger strike, raising the
pressure for UC severance ties w ith
nuclear weapons lab.

500 + rally at the Chance llor's Office
to protest the prop osed three-year
suspe nsion of Alette Kendrick. Speakers
include Angela Davis and members of
the UC Ac tivist Defense Committee. In
respo nse, the adm inistration revokes the
severe punish ment (May 30).


UCSC rehires fired dining hall worker
Angela Ruiz after a day of student and
worker protest. Angela was fired in Ap ril
for atte nding a union-spo nsored protest
against UC President Robert Dynes,
even though she had received excellent
evaluations and the protest was during
her lunch hou r.

After a rally against the LRDP at the
Quarry, stude nts and allies break
dow n po lice barriers to provide food
to tree sitters on Science Hill, who had
ascended the night before. Students
hold an autonomous zone ben eath the
sit for two mont hs after.

First ever Student of Color Conference
to be host ed at UCSC .


To comme morate the fifth anniversary of the
Iraq War, Students Against War (SAW) holds a
week against war in the Quarry Plaza, wi th a
simulated Nuclear Waste Dum p , educati onals,
and a rally. On Mar. 19, UCSC joins other
campuses in a Coalition To\Free the UC
action at the UC Regent s meeting in Mission
Bay, in co njunction with Direct Ac tion to Stop
the War.

SAW holds an "Awa rds Ceremo ny'' where the
US Army takes sweep ing w ins in categories
suc h as "Most Money Poured Into Violent
Gaming Indus try" and "Most Homophobic ."

To end Prison Industria l Complex Awareness
Week, Angela Davis speak s to pack ed
aud iences College 9/10 .

May2 7
Studen ts protest neo-conse rvative David
Horrowitz speaking on campus .

Studen t & Worker Coalition For Justice and
AFSCME 3299 workers hold rally and march
calling for a Fair Contract and Protesting
the Inauguration of Chancello r George
Blume nthal, who failed to provide pu blic
support for the campaig n . Demonstrators
shut dow n the intersections of Bay and
Mission for three hou rs . Gradua tion speaker s
also refused to speak in solidarity.

Jul 14-18
8500 members AFSCME 3299 conduc t
statewide strike to call for a fair cont ract and
an end to poverty wages.

300 people picke t and block traffic near the
bookstore dema nding justice for AFSCME
worke r.

Subrosa Anarchist Cafe and lnfoshop OpensThe dow ntown coffee shop/bookstore/ rad ical
library serves as an open com munity space
for student activists, commu nity members,
and radicals .




Regents Meet ing in San Franc isco AFSCME members , labor activists ,
and union leaders gathered in San
Francisco to dema nd a fair contract
for University of California service
worke rs. Union leaders from around
the state we re arrested after they
refused to leave the pu blic commen t
period .


2009 -AFSCM E service workers settled their
con tract with the UC after a year and a half
of negotiations and protes t. The agreem ent
included significant wage increases, a pay
system that rewards seniority and a first time
ever statewide minimum wage for their job
classifications .

• Four local animal liberation activists are
arrested by FBI agents w ho charged them
under the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Ac t.
Each faces ten years in prison for attending
protests against animal experimentation at
the UC and allegedly publishing the names
and addresses of UC prof essors who
experiment on living animals.

Amidst city bu dget cuts , the
Beac h Flats Commun ity, a primarily
Latin commu nity, experienced
majo r cutbacks to commu nity
centerpieces including the
commun ity garden and commu nity
cent er, a wellspring of education and
opport unity

• The Project/TWANAS Revival- Two radical,
alternative, studen t-made newspapers
resumed printing in the early months of
2009 after years of stagnation.



Hundreds of Commun ity Members
and Students march from the Beac h
Flats Community Center to City Hall
to fight cu tbacks

Kiddie Picket at Family Studen t Housing:
Students living at Family Stude nt Hous ing
brough t their kids out to Quarry Plaza
to protest repeated rent increases and
deteriorating apartment cond itions .

13-mont h tree-sit demons tration
ended imme diately after students
left for winter break. Students
had been occupyi ng the trees in
protest of UC expansionist po licies
and the Long Range Development
Plan. After threats of legal action ,
protesters aban doned their redwoo d
platforms above Science Hill.
Following the protes ters' desc ent,
UCSC cut dow n 48 redwoo d trees
and 11 oak trees to make way for
the cons truc tion of the Biomedical
Sciences Facility, which opened in
2012 .

• Walk-Ou t in oppo sition to UC-Wide
Budget Cuts: UCSC admins announc e
majo r cuts to student services and
undergrad prog rams . These cuts were
especia lly damaging to the social sciences,
humanities, and the arts , and threatened
to obliterate the commu nity studies
depart ment. Two founding Latin American
and Latino stud ies professors , Susan Jonas
and Guillermo Delgado , were given notice
that their positions would be terminated
along with other staff and faculty members.
Studen ts mobilized in oppos ition to the
cuts and in suppo rt of the faculty and
commun ity stud ies depa rtm ent.
• May Day: Hundreds of students and
commun ity members braved the rain to
celebrate International Worker 's Day and
speak out for immigrant rights . Studen ts
marched from campus to the Beach Flats .

SOCC Hunger Strike: The Students of Color
Coalition (SOCC) organized a four-day
hunger strike in protest of budge t cuts and in
oppos ition to UC pol icies, noting that cu ts are
dispropo rtiona tely affecting studen ts of co lor
and marginalized commun ities wit hin the
university. SOCC 's dema nds included amon g
other things making the university a safe
sanctuary for undoc umented students . SOCC
also demanded that the university hire a fulltime director of the American Indian Resource
Center and Women's Center.

Workers call for a vote of no con fidence in
President Mark Yudof. This leads to an UPTE
strike and facu lty walkout on Sep. 24 .

Hundreds of stude nts and facu lty walkout.
UCSC garners the attention of students
across California, and much of the world ,
when do zens of students occupy the
Graduate Student Commons for seven
days. Over the next several mont hs ,
occupa tions follow at UCSC , UC Berkeley,
San Francisco State University, CSU Fullerton ,
UCLA, UC Davis, and more . Alongside
the demons tration studen ts throw danc e
parties and distribute information. The term
electro-commun ism is coined . A real sense
of studen t unity across the state forms. The
text, A Commun ique from an Abse nt Future,
makes its debute.



Oct :15
Students occupy the Humanities 2 building
for several hou rs.

A conference is held at UC Berkeley to unite
the budge t cuts movement across the state,
partic ularly in education . It brings in over a
thousand in attendance.

Students take over the Science and
Engineering library for 23 hours in protest to
budg et cuts affecting the libraries.

Nov1 7-22
Around 500 students occupy Kresge Town
Hall, leading to the four-day occupat ion of
Kerr Hall, the main adm inistrative building on
campus , in protest of a 32% fee increase,
among other things . Students at UC Berkeley
and UC Davis also occupy spaces.






A dance party at UCSC roves around campus
at night to pu blicize the upcom ing Mar. 4 Strike,
att racting hundreds of people from several
co lleges as it made its way from Porter to

700 stude nts gather on OPERS to spell out the words 'FREE EDUCATION' w ith
their bodies while photog raph ers fly over in an airplane. The event is cov ered by
three TV stations and several local newspapers.

A series of d isgusting racist imagery is found
at UC San Diego, resulting in an uproar from
student s across the UC, includ ing Santa Cruz.

Appro ximately 800 students shutdow n both
entranc es to cam pus in protest of budge t
cuts for the entirety of the day, allowing only
foot traffic in. Studen ts tirelessly organized
themselves to stop incoming wo rkers being
forced to co mmute to campus despite its
closure as early as 4 a .m. However , the
mom entum failed to conti nue onto the next
day desp ite interest, due to fatigue and po or
planning . Ac ross the state. and the US , millions
of student s protest cuts .

Studen ts hold a small walkout and teach-in for
two days.

The admi n closes the Rape Prevention
Educa tion program , the last of its kind in the UC .
It is reassigned to SHOP, ultimately reclassifying
rape as a medical issue.

A dance party, reminiscent of the ones during
the occupatio ns is attacked by po lice and three
are arrested .

In att empt to mimic the success of Mar. 4 ,
a statewide conference was held in Apr il to
organize a day of action against bu dget cuts
for Oct. 7. Howeve r, it fails to meet hopes of
anoth er Mar. 4 . 200 -300 attend at UCSC to rally.
The demons tration included many theatrical
elements, including a zom bie squad and
pu ppets to raise awareness .

Hundreds of UC studen ts, staff and faculty rally
outside a Regents ' meeting at UCSF to protest
an 8% fee increase . 13 students are arrested ,
and do zens more are beaten and pepper sprayed by police w hile hold ing picket lines . One
po lice officer draw s his gun.

Students rally in Quarry Plaza and occ upy the Ethnic Resource Center to dema nd
the creation of the long-overdue Critica l Race and Ethnic Stud ies depart ment.
The action succeeds in estab lishing an ongoing open forum on the creation of
such a dep artment.

More than 80 stude nts and teachers are arrested for occ upying the capitol
building in Sacrame nto in protest of the $28 billion in cuts to social services in the
latest CA budget. All studen ts but one have their cha rges dropped.

Occ upy Santa Cruz sets up camp outside the Courthouse , two weeks after
the movem ent kicks off in New York. The camp grows until Dec. 8 , w hen it is
des troyed by police at the order of city officials.

600 stude nts rally in Quarry Plaza and march dow ntow n to join up with local
labo r unions for the beginning of 'Occu py Education ' in Santa Cruz. Wells Fargo
bank is shut dow n by block ade for four hou rs.

Nov 16
At the height of the Occ upy movem ent, the UC Regents cancel a meeting where
they planned to vote on a tuition hike, due to concern over massive stude nt
disrupti ons . With the meeting cance lled, around 1000 UC studen ts meet up with
Occ upy SF to march through the financial district and shut down a major Band of
America branch. (Regent Mo nica Lozano sits on B of P.:sboard of directors)

Several hundred studen ts and co mmunity members reclaim an abando ned
bank building (75 River Street) and begin turning it into a com munity center. The
occup iers repel a major police attac k, but are forced to leave after heavy legal
charge s are threatened against anyone found on the prem ises . After the building
is cleared, 11 are charged w ith various charges relating to the occupation . Two
succeed in having their cha rges dismissed , but the others are still caught up in
legal proceedings . ( SANrACRUZELEVEN.ORG )

Around 1500 studentsshutdownthe UCSCcampus for the
entire day as part of an international dayof actionfor public
education. Students establish a tent university at the base of
campus to hold workshopsand discussions.
In coordination with other schools andOccupy groups
, 200UCSCstudents busto Sacrament
o for an
attempt to occupy andshut downthe capitol building.The
ion fails due to a massivepolice presenceandpoor
communication betweenvariousorganizinggroups.72 are
arrested, 51from UCSC.




D.I.Y. Guideto Santa Cruz






There are a lot of inspired and energized people in this town who are motivated to create n ew ways to relate to
eac h othe r and th e world around us. Here is a shor t list of some of these kinds of projects in Santa Cruz .
Anarchist Library
at SubRosa, 703 Pacific Ave.
Pick up some summer reading now that you have a bit of free time to
sit in t h e sun. Anarchism, cultural studies, history, literature and
poetry, eco logy, indigenous studies, biography, gender studies, fo r
the kids, political and economic t heory and more!

Guerilla Drive-In
An outdoor movie theater under the stars that springs up in the fields
and industrial wastelands . Showing great movies, bringing a broad
community together , and reclaiming public space .

703 Pacific Ave. 831-425-BIKE
A commun ity bike shop and tool cooperative. Mechanics are there to
help you learn how to work on you r bicycle. We encourage people to
get their hands dirty and familiarize themselves with this machine
that they rely on.

Meristem Health Distro
Zines available at SubRosa and online
Information to empower ou rselves and each other, take our well being and hea ling into our own hands, and find ways to minim ize our
reliance on the western medicine. Topics include herbalism, medicine
making, reproductive hea lth, women 's health, menta l health ,
emotional support, sexua l hea lth, and more !

Computer Kitchen
703 Pacific Ave.
Strives to reduce the amount of technology that ends up in landfills
while providing a space, tools, and advice fo r peop le to work on and
learn about this technology . Open Wed & Sun .

Occupy Santa Cruz
Occupy Santa Cruz is a community that gathers to fo rge connections
and discuss how to improve our region and our lives. It was sparked in
the wake of similar occupations worldwide that seek to confront vast
wealth disparit ies and their impact on society.

Bike Church

The Fabrica
703 Pacific Ave.
A community textile arts cooperat ive organized by a collective of
art ists for the purpose of artistic collaboration and creative reuse. A
space to work on projects or learn to sew, knit, etc .
Free Radio Santa Cruz - 101. 1 FM
101.1 FM. 831-427-3772
On the air since 1995 without a license, broadcasting 24 hours a day,
7 days a week, 365 days a year, in defiance of federal regulations.
Broadcasting programs unavailable on corporate controlled stations.
Free Skool Santa Cruz
Calendars distributed widely around Santa Cruz
A completely grassroots, collective effort to create an autonomous,
m utual-support network. It is a direct challenge to institutional
control and the commodification of learning and how we re late to
each other.

SubRosa: a communit y space
703 Pacific Ave.
An anarchist and radica space offering anarchist books and literature,
local gourmet coffee, shows and a weekly open m ic, gallery art by
emerging local artists, and a garden courtyard social space . It also
hosts the Anarchist Lending Library, free computers, and many free
skoa l classes.
Santa Cruz Fruit Tree Project
A network of voluntee rs work ing to make use of surplus t ree fruit,
and to support tree propagation and maintenance . Help grow this
budd ing project by assisting in the planning, publicizing, and leading
of harvests and wo rkshops, as well as developing long-term visions
and organizational strategies.
Union of Benevolent Electrical Work ers
Creat ing technical infrastructu re for both local an d global radical
commun ities . UBEWprovides mutual support to anti -author itar ian
groups making radical social change through d irect action, community
involveme nt, and edu cation. Women and geeks of color welcome.



Let's joy full y chall enge the wor ld aroun d us and creat e



something wonder ful in its p la ce.







L ____________________________________________













Yes please:
























I have noticed a dangerous trend
to,vards accepting rape and sexual abuse
as inevitab le, as an ugly byproduct of
human nature. This is usually coupled
with the idea that all in all, sexual abuse
is relatively rare and that perpetrators
are found in dark alleyways and poorly
lit street corners. First of all, sexual
abuse is not "natural " nor is it a part
of hu1nan nature. It has nothing to
do with ho,v n1onkeys related to each
other in the ,vild. Rape and other sexual
abuses are social issues. They are born
fro1n a sick society in which sex and
po"ver are closely intertwined.
Unfortunately, n1ost of us are
subject to the prevailing sexual habits
of our culture, and the results aren't
always pretty. Our habits can lead
us to mindlessly pressure others
into sexual relations they don 't want to
have. Alternately, our conditioning
can make us vulnerable to unwanted
sexual pressure. Most peop le don 't
want to, or mean to , pressure another
person into unwanted sexual relations,
yet it happens all the time: every t\.vo
and a ha lf minutes a wo1nan is raped
in the United States, and one in four
college \,VOmen will experience rape
or attempted rape by the time she
graduates (PAMF, 2012). This statistic
doesn't reRect the thousands of rapes
that go unreported, nor does is reRect
sexual violence against trans and gender
nonconforming people.
It is i1nportant to recognize that
most often rape is not perpetrated by
strangers, but by those ,vho are close
to us-l overs, partners, friends, fan1ily
members, potential one night stands,
etc. At least 70% of rape victims know
their attackers (PAMF, 2012). Survivors
are taught to believe that being raped
was son1ehow their fault, and that it

is a private matter that shou ld not be
discussed. Because of this, peop le who
have committed sexual assault are rarely
called out within their communities,
even in radical and progressive
As I've gro"vn older, more and more
of n1y friends have come to me with
stories of being sexually abused or raped.
It's a heartbreaking reality that for every
wonderful, healthy sexual encounter
I've had, there were five others ,vhere
I felt that my bou11daries were not

Consent is not some
passing phase, not
a kitschy slogan; it
is a necessary step
towards ending the
cycles of violence
that are daily realities
for many of us.
vie"ved as stopping points, but as lines
of negotiation. Consent is not some
passing phase, not a kitschy slogan; it
is a necessary step to,vards ending the
cycles of violence that are daily realities
for 1nany of us. As you enter college it
is essential to take a critical look at ho,v
rape becomes normal ized in our society,
and to consider ,vhich of our own
behaviors contribute to this process.
Our habits are not all simple, but
some of them can be named . First, \,Ve
have gendered habits. We've all been
raised in a patriarchal world, one in
which ,vo1nen and men are supposed
to inhabit
clearly distinguishable
categories, and in which women are
to be submissive and men are to show
their power in order to be accepted as

"normal. " Mainstrea1n porn is the most
blatant example of ho,v these roles are
acted out and perpetuated. We form
habits that uphold these norms, and we
play them out everyday, often ,vithout
even noticing.
adults. Straightfonvard communication
can feel uncomfortable; being open
and honest ,vith yourself and your
partner takes practice. However , the
more you do it, the easier it gets.
TI1ere are also other reasons we
might pressure someone to have non consensual
misread another's ,vords or actions, or
be reIuctant to say "no. "B ut we can
work to end this hannful cycle. Bringing
consent - mutual agreement, 1nutual
desire - into the picture again will
not only keep sexual assault and rape
out of the picture, it "viii create space
for healthy, positive , and erotic sexual
So, what exactly is consent? The
short answer is, consent is a "yes", not
the absence of a "no".
The long answer is that consent is
when a person freely proclaims wanting
to engage
in certain en1otional or
physica l relations with so1neone else.
TI1at the person "freely" agrees means
no coercion or pressure ,vas used
on them. That the person agrees to
"certain" relations means that consent
should be a part of each new level of
intimacy - asking once is never enough.
TI1e ,vord "proc laims" should also be
deciphered: any old "okay" to any old
question doesn 't mean that a person
consents. Consent means you tnust hear
(and speak) a definitive a11dresounding
"yes." Obviously, all involved parties
must consent to any actton.

"Rape and Sexual Assau lt." Teens: How to Protect Yourself from Rape . Palo Alto Med ical Foundation. 2012 . Web. 08 Sept. 2012.



Consent isn 't simple .
But it will achieve one or more of the following:

Prevent rape and sexual assault
Sho,v that you care about the feelings and personhood
of your partner/lover
Avoid triggering someone ,vho has experienced rape or
sexual assault
Make you better in the sack

By no,v, you might have questions. What about body-language
that says "yes?" If I have to ask for consent several times in order
to get "yes," is that okay? What if I hurt someone's feelings?
What if I feel totally uncomfortable talking about sex out loud?
What if I've overstepped son1eone's boundaries before ? What if
talking makes it awbvard?
Not all of your questions can be ans\vered in this article. But
we can provide you with four essential tools of consent, as some
tips for making consent ,nore fun and less daunting.

Tool One:A sking
Al\vays, ahvays ask before making a move. Whether you'd
like to put your arm around someone's shoulder, give them
goodnight kiss, or go do\vn the,n. Whether it is your first time
with them or you have done it together a half-dozen times
before , ask first. Whether they are acting seductive or sweetly
ti1nid, ask first. Whether they invited you to their house or they
stayed the latest at your party, ask first. Whether you are in love
or not , ask first.
Ask in words, not with a questioning hand, a raised eyebrow,
or a special romantic connection. Ask in a \<Vaythat leaves room
for "no." Ask open-ended questions. Ask before every 1nove you
Som e go o d w ays to ask are:

"What iuouldyou like to do?"
"Wouldyou like to make out more or stopfar now?"
"What isyour idealgoodbyeat the end of a date?"
"Hotufor doyou want to go right noiu?"
''Doyou want me to....?"
Ok ay ways to ask :

1nay l ....?"
''1s it. okay to....,"

B ad w ays to ask:

"I want to nibbleyour ea,; okay?"
"Isit alright if l .. (beginsdoing it anyway)"


Tool Two: Listening
Your sweetheart cannot read your 1nind. They simp ly can't.
You can't read theirs. When you try, you are in danger of hearing
only your own desires echoing hollo,vly off of them. Listen to
their words, not what you hope they will say. And be prepared
to hear "no." Until you really get to kno,v a person's likes and
dislikes, you may hear a lot of "no 's." You'll probably hear plenty
of "no's" even after years of dating. For instance, a partner and I
had been together for years:
M e: Do you want to have sex in the showertoday?
Partn er: Not this time, I just want to get clean.
Me: For sure.

More about listening: "No" means no, but so do other
things, so pay attention. If your date is saying "Maybe", "I
guess," "But we've been drinking," "I'm thinking about it,"
"La ter \vould be nice ", or anything except an adamant "Yes!"
then it means no. If you ask several tin1es and badger a yes out
of them, it doesn't count.
You might think that this level of dialogue is unrealistic.
Ho\vever , it can often feel i1npossible to say a hard "no."
Especially if people are socia lized as female. Women are taught
to let people down easy, to save face, and to constantly second
guess their emotions. We are taught that once \<Veget to certain
point in the hooking up process that saying "no" ,nakes us a
tease. Creating a culture of consent means undoing the idea that
you have a 'right ' to anyone elses body. To do this, we must have
radically honest conversations about ,vhere our boundaries are.

TQol Three: Checkingin with the

other Person

Checling in begins ,vith talking about what each of you
wants or doesn 't Vl'ant from your romantic or physical encounter.
It can also include letting the other person kno,v that you have
assaulted someone in the past, or that you are an assau lt survivor.
Checking in creates a tin1e to say if you're feeling awbvard, wary,
sad, joyous, expectant or sensitive. Check -ins bolster confidence,
define boundar ies and prevent embarrassment. When so,neone
is checking in with you, take all of their concerns seriously , even
if they sound absurd to you.

Tool Four: Checkingin withyourself
Take moments here and there to check in with yourself
Are you sober? Are they sober? Are you feeling safe? Are you
really asking for consent? Are you saying one thing and ,neaning
another? If you remember to check in with yourself, you are
much more likely to find yourself happy and healthy in the


Now that you know the basics, here are some ways
to make the consent ride a little smoother .

Tip J. Body language: Body language can aug1nent (thoug h
no t replace) your use of verbal consent. Body language can let you
la10,v \vhen someone is feeling uncomfortab le or Rirtat ious. An
a1nbiguous verbal reply along with positive body language does no t
equal yes.

Tip 2.Humor:

Making th ings funny ahvays makes them less
awK\vard. Making fun of yo ur awk\vardness also releases tension.
Re1nember that working through awkwardness is far better than
hurting someone.

Tip 3.Talk first: Check in before you are "in the heat of the
n1oment" to get to kno\v one another's communication styles,
preferences and boundaries ,vill streamline your sexual experience.

Tip 4.Tough topics: It may seem challenging to bring
up consen t and your personal assault history. Crea tivity and
trans itiona l phrases can help. For exa1nple, you might say "So, I was
reading the Disorienta tion Guide the other day and ..." or "Hey, can
we pause for a second? I need to get some stuff off my chest ...


State your boundaries: If you are feeling bold enoug h,
let your crush kno,v what your boundaries are before they need to
ask. Along \<Vithletting them know what you don't want to do, let
them la10,v you wou ld be into do ing. Setting boundaries doesn't
just mean showing your partner where the gate closes, it also mean
sho\ving them where it opens.

Tip 6. Establish rules: Setting up rules with a long-term

is pract ical and still consensua l, though the original tools of consent
should remain an active part of your relationship . For examp le:
Person On e: I wve back massages.You never have to ask me about

them again. Youcan massagemy back anytime.
Person Two: Good to know!

If Your Boundaries
Are Crossed
First of a ll. remembe r that it was not your fault.
You did not "lead them on ." It does not m atter what
you were wea r ing , how muc h you had to d rink, or
if you had started to ge t sexy and then sudde n ly
c hanged you r mind. Rape and sexua l abuse is
neve r, and wil l never be your fault. The actions of
the perpetrato r are the per petrator 's respo nsib ility
a lone. In these situations, look for friends and
a llies that w ill suppor t you . and be wea ry of people
that attemp t to de legitimize or mini mize your
experie nce.
Seco nd of a ll, peo p le expe rience rape and
sexual abuse d ifferently, the imp ortant thing is
how you feel about your experience and how you
choose to define it. Do not listen to peo p le who do
not let you name you r own expe riences .
Rememb er that you have the righ t to be
listened to. and you have the righ t to make requests
of the perpetrato r. Wheth er or not you have friends
to sup port you. there are resources you can turn to
for help (see below).
If someo ne else approaches you because the ir
boundaries have been crossed. listen to their story
and take the ir word for it. You are not the perso n
to decide if the assau lt needs to become pu b lic ,
that's up to the survivor. Wh ether the survivor
nee ds time, protec tion or act ion, be there to g ive
them unco nd itiona l su ppo rt.


Ti1ne passes, and so do many messages. One day Person One starts
to give their partner a message.
Person Two: *twitching* Ouch, that hurts today
Person On e: I understand Just let me know when you want a


When you prac tice consen t, you learn quickly who you 1nake
sparks with and who you shou ld just be friends with. Consent 1nakes
sex better, \vhether it is casual or devoted. There are a million reasons
to practice consent. But you need to believe in the importance of
consent, and act in the spirit of consent, to make it work. You must
pay more than lip service to consen t: internal ize it, live by it, ask,
listen and check in.


Consensual Liberation through Intimate
Tactics (CLIT) Collective: Based out of Santa
Cruz; members are radic al activists w orking to
engage in grassroots and com munity-based
action and resp onse to sexual/int imate violence
(myspace .com/ ClitCollective)
Women 's Crisis Support - Defe nsa de
Mujeres : Latina-based sexual assault and
domestic violence center

Accountability, Consent,and Survivor Support Zines
PhillysP / Engl ish/ interpersonal





An Introduction


"Feminism" is not a static women's movement that
can be easily defined. "Feminism" shou ld instead be
thought of as an umbrella term which encompasses
many different ways of thinking, and argume nt s
between them. Feminism is an incredibly expansive
category that involves theories and activism around
the politics of gender, and envisioning a world not
fraught ,vith domination.
To start , let's debunk a couple popular myths.

is about lib eration from sexist oppression, and perhaps
the abolition of gender categories altogether. But for the
time being, we must come to tenns with the fact that we
live in a misogynistic world, where femininity is devalued
and degraded in various ways. As Jessica Valenti points
out in Full Frontal Feminism, what's the worst thing you
can call a woman? Words like slut, ,vhore, bitch, and cunt
seem to carry the most weight. And what's the worst
thing you can call a man (or someo ne who's supposed to
be one)? Fag, girl, bitch, pussy. Noticing a pattern here?

, ''feminism''
" thatThisthevie,v
end-goal of [hir1
fe1ninism is the individu al rights of women, such as the
right to vote. When viewed in this way, it is easy to treat
feminism as a minority struggle or side issue only about
women. There was a particular moment when I began to
see how gender is involved in a lot of situations that are not
obviously about gender. On the first day of class for Intro
to Feminist Studies, professor Anjali Arondekar began
with this statement: "Gender is a social construction,
and if you don't understand that, you won't understand
anything in this class. So let's instead begin by looking at
the war on terror." She proceeded to dra,v out some of the
graffiti that showed up after 9/11 depicting Bin Lad en
being sodomized by US missiles. She show ed how these
representations were extremely gendered in nature and
how gender was intertwined with Islamophobia. Wh.ile
fe1ninism is concerned with the rights of women, such
as access to reproductive healthcare, it is also concerned
with ho,v gender is involved in much broader structures
of power.
Feminism offers us a lens, like a pair of glasses. We've
been taught to not think twice about gender, because it
is normalized in our society through the medica l field,
education system, conventional parenting practices, etc .
By using gender as a lens, we can see how sexism has
been institutionalized throu gh history. We can view
history tl1rough thi s lens to see how gender and its social
norms have changed across ti1ne and space, and are not a
matter of fixed, biological fact.

opposes patriarchy, not
men, and recognizes that
gender roles harm us all. It is important that ,ve take
collective responsibility for gender equality, and do not
see it as the burden of women to fix. In the words of
Bell Hooks, feminism is an ideological meeting ground
for the sexes, a space for transformation - to transform
relationships so that the alienation, competition, and
dehumanization that characterize human interaction
can be replaced vvith feelings of intimacy, mutuality,
and camaraderie. Further, to say that feminism is about
"women" is to ignore the multiplicity of gender identities
th at cannot be described as either "man" or "woman" ( SEE


"QUEER!" P.70 ).

To be effective, feminism must operate through
intersectionality. Intersectionality is a way of examining
how different social/cultural/polit ical categories - such
as race, class, gender, ability, nationality, and other axes
of identity - interact on multiple and simultaneous
levels to create systemic inequa lity. Multiple forms of
discrimination happen at once and cannot be teased
apart. Therefor e, if we are only concerned with gender,
we will not be speaking to people's actual experiences.
Fe1ninism argues that a false sense of objectivity often
erases non-normative viewpoints; instead, feminism
favors the idea that all perspectives are partial. Fetninism
should be thought of not as a concrete set of idea s, but
as a lens for vie,..,ing oppression and organizing to end it.
\,Vhy do we need feminis1n? It allows us to name
experiences that we have often been taught are irrational
To see feminis1n in this or illegitimate. It's a field of thou g ht that not only explores
way is to assume that we have what is happening but why it 's happening. Feminism
already achieved gender equality and that now wo1nen teaches us that points of paralysis are in fact 1noments
are attempting to do1ninate or replace men. Feminism in which we can further our understanding of the world.


Vale nti, Jessica . Full Frontal Feminism. Emeryville, CA: Seal, 2007. Print.


































,. .....



Lesson One
Ge nde r is a social const ruction. That
does n't mean it's fake, it means we
as a society collectively and actively
constr uct wha t "g ender" means . O ur
society tends to bel ieve that there are
two opposi ng and binary ca tegor ies
of sex/gender/th ings . We get two
boxes male and fema le. You see it in
bathrooms, yo u see it on yo ur d river 's
lice nse , and you mig ht not see it as
a prob lem If yo u fit into one of those
boxes, it isn't.
But plenty of peop le (especial ly at
UCSC) don't. We have people who don't
qu ite fit in the gender bi nary and those
boxes can make thei r lives a w hole lot
harde r. (Imagine hold ing yo ur piss in
for hours at a time beca use yo u ca n't
ge t to the only single sta ll bath room on
campus. J ust say in' ...)
Fortunate ly, there are a couple ways
yo u can help . The fi rst (and easies t) is
respect ing other people's genders . Best
way to do it? Use the prono uns (PGPpreferred gender pronoun) peop le
wa nt yo u to use. Just like gender ge ts
more co mplex tha n male and female,
prono uns get more c reative than him
and her.

Lesson Two
Pronouns are a vital tool to interact with someone . With
that in mind , let's talk abo ut prefered pro nouns as a tool
to be respec tful and inclusive of others .

Etiquette tips:

When yo u meet someo ne, introd uce yo urself with
your ow n name and prono un, the n as k for thei rs . This
way it won 't see m like you are sing ling the m out.
Do not ass ume someone's prono un preference - ask.
Do n't know so meone's pro noun? Use thei r firs t name.
If yo u really have no idea wha t to do, use no prono uns
at alll It may so und a bit funny at first, but it wo rks.

Preferred pronouns could be, but are not limited to:

(gender neutral, singular)
(gender neutral)
zelzirlzir's(gender neutral)
In-ac tion example "Hey, they left their bag at my house .
Give me the ir numbe r and I'll get it back to the m ."



Lesson Three
When we talk ab out the Queer comm unity, or
the alphabet soup of the LGBTQ IQA (Lesb ian Gay
Bisexua l Transgender Question ing lntersex Queer
Asex ual) comm unity, we use a lot of words to try and
desc ribe peop le's id entities, behavi ors, bod ies and
much more. When we ge t d own to the bas ics, the
conversation can be broke n dow n into four d istinct
but intimate ly intertwined cate gori es- Gender
Id entity, Gend er Express ion, Biolog ical Sex, and
Sexual Orientation.
You're in col lege . Get used to voca b lists .
Here's one you'l l actua lly use .

Gender Identity lives in your brain. It's how you
th ink about yourself- as a man, a wo man ,
genderqueer , something in-betwee n, or
something ent irely d ifferent l
Words like: male, female, genderqueer,
, transmasculine,transwoman,and
transfominineare used to describe one's gender

Gender Expression lives in your p hysical behavior.
It lives in the clothes you we ar, the lang uage
you use, the way you move your bod y- your
behav ior in gene ral . It is an outward express ion
of your gender ident ity to the wor ld , the ways in
whic h you behave as your most aut hent ic self
Words like: masculine,feminine, hype,feminine,
fairy, androgynous,agender,queet;
butch,stud,femme, dlke, bear,and genderfuck are
used to describe ones gender expression.

Biological Sex lives on your birth certi ficate . It
is what was announced when you were born,
what 's on your driver's lice nse, and it's based on
your chr omosomes as well as you r gene talia .
Words like: male,female, and intersexare used to
describe one's biological sex.

Sexual Orientation lives in your heart. .. and in your
loins . It is who you are attracte d to sexually/
romant ical ly.
Words like: straight,gay,lesbian,bisexual
, queer,
pansexual,and asexualare used to describe one 's
sexual orientation.



this: n1any of our daily practices- where
,ve work, what we desire, ho,v vve interact with
others - are shaped around the idea that there are two
genders, a binary of men and v,omen that are supposed
to use separate bathroo1ns , shop in their assigned
departments, and act in different ,vays. Most peop le spend
their ,vhole lives trying to live up to the gender they're
expected to be. Companies make millions of dollars every
year off of products intended to make us n1ore n1asculine
or more feminine. This binary is upheld by a deep-seated
socialpolicingthat restricts what kind of actions, identities
and practices are appropriate. Cross-dressing and gender bending are often met ,vith forms of en1otional and
physica l violence. The urge to conform to a gender role
starts at birth with the first question n1ost will ask about a
child: "Is it a girl or a boy?" From there, you're forced into
a track of either blue curtains and Transformers or pink
curtains and Barbies. Media representations and cultural
nonns further enforce the 'correct ' patterns of behavior for
each gender.
This social policing runs deeper than just gender; it
also structures the way ,ve sexually orient ourse lves, often
along lines of gendered expectations. For this reason, some
identify as queer, an inc lusive term that allows us to break
and rethink sexual practices. Queer can refer to a ,vide
array of gender and sexual possibilities , including n1any
that don 't fit so neatly into the categories we typically
use to talk about these things. Queers are "the very many
of us who 1nay at times be moved to describe ourselves
as (among many other possibilities )" gay, lesbian , bi,
transexual, "pushy fem1nes, radical faeries, fantasises,
drags, clones , leatherfolk, ladies in tuxedos, femini st
,vomen or feminist men, masturbators, bulldaggers , divas,
Snap! queens, butch bottoms, storytellers , transsexuals ,
aunties, wannabes , lesbian-identified 1nen or lesbians ,vho
sleep with men, or. .. peop le able to relish, learn from ,
or identify with such." Queer expresses the simultaneous
difference and unity of our co1nmunity, living together
against the grain. It ackno,vledges that gender and sexual
identities are far from stable and static - they , much like
the rest of us, change over time.
As many already know, practicing a queer identity is
aln1ost al,vays met with repression and violence. Follo,ving
are four figures of "sexual police officers" distributing such
repression, follo,ved by a vision for what a queer resistance



to social-police violence looks like along the way.

The Uniformed
The uniforn1ed police officer is the most ubiquitous of
offenders. First, queer assault victi1ns who seek aid from state
police often find that their report ,vas never filed, and are
frequently met with harassment from v,ithin the police force
itself This is especially true for trans people , who are assaulted
by officers in countless instances each year.
"In May 1959, street queens and hustlers at Cooper's
Donuts in Los Angeles responded to police harassment by
throwing donuts and rioting against the officers who ca1ne for
their v,eekly arrest. Again in 1966,rioting erupted v,hen SFPD
tried assaulting queers at Compton's Cafeteria. Most famous are
the Stonewall Riots, where a routine police raid on a gay bar in
Manhattan ignited full-blo,vn rioting when a bull dyke resisted
arrest and street queens began throwing rocks and bottles at
NYPD officers. For the nights that followed, thousands of queers
Hooded the streets to fight the police and dance in mockery of
their inability to reassert order. The most violent instance of
queer riot occurred ten years later in 1979follo,ving the murder
of Harvey Milk; queers in San Francisco attacked symbols of the
justice system, smashing City Hall and setting a dozen SFPD
cars on fire."
"Each of these incidents, which are hailed as milestones of
queer history, were specific attacks against police institutions that
had previously patrolled the outlines of queer identity. Cooper's
Donuts, Compton's Cafeteria, Stonewall, White Nights: each
names a moment ,vhere the routine police violence against
MarshaP Johnson(1944-1996)
queer bodies was interrupted ,vith riotous force" (Eanelli, 23).
These riots did something that traditional political reforms have
never been able to do. They te1nporarily interrupted the ongoing their orientation, and nearly one in ten is assaulted. We often
internalize this violence, learning to hate ourselves and the world
ca,npaign of police violence against queers.
which reproduced our alienation. Perhaps that is ,vhy we're twice
as likely as heterosexual children to commit suicide.
It is a good sign that even the mainstream media has begun to
focus on queer-bashing as a major concern, but they constantly
An equally sinister, though far less apparent, police officer is insist that the bashers ,vill eventually go away, if only we wait. Yet,
one ,vho doesn't ,vear a unifonn and never swears an oath. "He for many , it does not get better. It's important for us to recognize
populates our most painful memories and formative mo1nents that the queer-basher doesn't just disappear, even with age.
of our youth. He stands guard over the halhvays of my high He must be approached and understood as an apparatus. This
school and rigorously evaluates every aspect of my presentation. n1eans that our efforts to eliminate queer bashing must account
The queer-basher enforces the la,vs of gender and sexuality. As for the multitude of social forces that produce it: the insecurities ,
with any lawman , he is equipped with the threat of justifiable ideologies, and violence that motivates the queer-basher, and the
violence and the 111eansto carry it out. He is the antagonist in insecurities, ideologies, and repression that he enforces.
all narratives of queer youth" (Eanelli, 24). He is often touted
The queer-basher learns his violence in relative physical
as a bully, an expression of a typical adolescent 1nale. He, safety. Queers often don 't fight back. Creating networks of
sometimes she, is often expected to perforn1 in this antagonistic support and self-defense are critical to sta1nping out the spaces
way. Their violence is written off as an essential characteristic that encourage queer-bashing. Occupy Oakland has started
of Y chromosomes; "boys will be boys." Ninety percent of to host free, ,veekly queer-self defense courses. 1l1e Midwest
queer youth ad1nit to being bullied in the last year because of birthed Bash Back!, a n1ilitant assen1bly of queers that target




known bastions of bashers.

The economic gatekeeper is subtler than other instruments
of sexual policing. Queer people struggle to find a place in an
economy ,vith a constricted demand for labor; there are always
tnore folks looking for v,ork than jobs capitalism can provide.
Queers are often some of those left out. The 1najority of queers in
1najor metropolitan areas have experienced poverty or financial
hardship over the last year, and over 65% have struggled to secure
basic necessities at one time or another. "Large percentages of the
transgender population are unen1ployed and have incomes far
belov, the national average. While no detailed ,vage and income
analyses of the transgender population have been conducted to
date, convenience sa1nples of the transgender population find
that 60% of respondents report being unemployed, and 64%
of the e1nployed population earns less than $25,000 per year."
("LGBT Poverty and Hardship").
Under these conditions , some might turn to their £,unilies,
but for queers who have been ostracized by their relatives, this is
not an option. Poverty can force queers into the world of illicit
sex work, greatly magnifying the risk of sexual violence. When
bosses aren't comfortable with our practices and identities,
we're forced to choose benveen a life in poverty or a life in the
closet. Bash Back! points in hopeful directions here. The diffuse
net,vork of queers has worked to make sure that basic needs of
its co1nrades are 1net. They pull together resourcesto make sure
folks get fed, clothed, and receive health care. They steal muchneeded hormones for poorer members of the trans community.
They do what they can to get by.

The most insidious and subtle of the sex police is that of gay
tnarriage activists. This is ironic, considering that gay marriage is
typically seen as the n1ost important (glossary) struggle for queer
rights. The institution of marriage has a 50% rate of failure; why
is it a precondition to our rights and freedotns?
This is why we aren't interested in seeing our political
struggle end with wedding bells. In fact, for n1any queers, that
honey1noon see1ns counter-productive. Though socially isolated,
gay countercultures ,vere afforded the opportunity for otherwise
impossible social exploration. These countercultures explored
different ways that bodies could relate to one another, ,vithin
and (perhaps n1ore importantly) outs ide the realm of sex. They
established con1munities of unconditional care and love beyond


the walls of family property bound by traditions of marriage.
Being gay ,vas about consciously crafting a ,vay of life indifferent
to the separations that constitute our identities and our world.
Marriage equality represents the death of that community .
Homonormativity, the process by which queer identities that
are closest to heteronormative social standards are valued as
more worthy than others of acceptance, is ,vhat ,ve stand to
gain fro1n marriage equality. Notice how the justification for
sexual equality is ahvays
premised on how well
a homosexual couple
can raise a "nonnal"
child. In this milieu,
the precondition
being accepted for who
you are is 1naking sure
,vho you are isn't all
that different from your
average straight coup le;
stay 1nonogamous, raise
a child, play mom and
The fact remains
that the most effective aspect of these practices of policing
gender and sexuality is their occupation of our own choices and
desires. We start to regulate ourselves, spurning and repressing
possibilities for fear of reprisal. In this sense, to be queer, to
practice queerness with others, is a way of resisting. Queer
politics , out of necessity, orients itself toward experi1nentation
and survival tactics: how to get by in a ,vorld so thoroughly
policed while still exploring ne,vfound freedo1ns. UC professor
Michel Foucault put it best in a volume on Ethics: "A way of
life can be shared among individuals of different ages, status ,
and social activity. It can yield intense relations not resembling
those that are institutionalized. It seen1s to me that a way of life
can yield a culture and an ethics. To be "gay," I think , is not to
identify with the psychological traits and the visible masks of
the homosexual but to try and define and develop a ,vay of life."
Gay Pride ,vas once an expression of community. Now it is
another site for the circlJation of commodities, as corporations
use the festivities as a chance to advertise and sell wares. Last
year, Occupride took to the streets at pride , chanting '\ve 're
here, we're queer and we're not going shopping" and '\ve are
transfamily/we don't got the healthcare we need!" Crowds of
queers tore down the barricades demarcating participants and
spectators at Pride, reminding the attendees that being queer
was not about living a private life, but son1ething to hold in
com1non with others.

out of necessi-ty,
orientsitself toward
and survival
tactics:how to get
by in a world so
while still exploring

Eanelli, Terry. "Queer, Interrupted." The New Inquiry. Web. Aug. 20 12
"LGBT Poverty an d Hardship ." Tidal Wave. N .p.: Queers for Economic Justice, n .d. Print.



































If you keep an eye out while walking around campus,
you'll notice stacks of newspapers and magazines placed
in the corners of libraries and cafes, free for the taking.
These publications include City on a Hill Press,Fishrap
Live, TWANAS, Leviathan, Gaia,and many others. Like
the DisorientationGuide,they are produced by students
and operate out of the Student Media Center, just across
the ravine from McHenry Library. The publications listed
above, as well as student broadcast projects like KZSC,
Banana Slug News, and On The Spot, are partially funded
by your student fees. Every quarter, each undergrad pays
$7.34 to Student Media Council (SMC), which allocates
the money to various student media initiatives over the
course of the year. SMC is composed of representatives
from every student media organization, and uses a
democratic voting process to make decisions that affect
the entire student body. With the $7.34 paid by yourse lf
and the school's 14,380 other undergrads every quarter,
SMC is responsible for more than $300,000 annually.
(This pales in comparison to the university's $595 million
total operating budget, but a lot can be done with
$300,000 when used carefully.) Student Media dollars
are divided mainly be~veen an emergency fund , advisory
staff salaries, a discretionary fund that can cover technical
items (broadcast equipment, editing software, etc.) and
pnnttng costs.
So ,vhy is this important ? Reasons abound.

Student Media is a s1nall glimpse into the future of what
a student-run university cou ld look like. It's one of few
instances where we students have a high degree of control
over how our resources are used. The ,vork we do is driven
primarily by our own interests and passions, less by the
den1ands of the job n1arket. Through media projects , we
also learn how to organize. It takes a lot of coordination
to secure funding, motivate a large group of people to
produce content, meet deadlines, and distribute the
finished product. The emails, phone calls, and 1neetings
that go into all of the above contribute to a firm grasp of
the effective communication that makes other ambitious
proje cts possible. Further, student media publications
cover topics that are intin1ately relevant to students' lives,
but are glossed over in corporate 1nedia. Student actions
like last year's strike are addressed briefly by the Santa
Cruz Sentinel and a few larger news outlets, but editors
exclude critical analysis of the crises facing the university
and society at large. For in-depth coverage of causes for,
and alternatives to the crises, student media is often the
best outlet. There is also a vibrant con1munity that exists
,vithin and between Student Media organizations. Keen
minds , colorful personalities , and friendly faces are at
work behind the scenes on every production. If you're
interested in working with the DisorientationGuideand/
or any other media orgs, just send an email to one of the
addresses listed below!














Disorientation Guide rnsG u 1oE@GMA 1L.co1v1
City on a Hill Press E01ToRs@c 1rvo NAHILLPREss.c o M
Fishrap Live! FISHRAPL1VE@GMAJL.co1v1
Chinquapin c H1No u AP1N@G MA1L.coM
Red Wheelbarrow ucscR EDWHEELBARRo w@GMAJ L.c oM



On the Spot o NTHEsPo r1 0@ GMAIL.c oM
Rainbow TV cwvAn@ucsc .Eou
Border Stompers Collective soRDERS TOMPERSCOLLECT1v E@GMA 1L.coM




rnd;4..1 becom~








[ al
ableism I n. prejudiced thoughts and
discri1ninatory actions based on differences
in physical, 1nental, and/or emotional
ability; usually chat of able-bodied, ablen1inded persons against peop le with illness,
disab ility, or less developed skills/talents
adultism I n. prejudiced tho ughts and
discri1ninato ry actio ns against youn g
people , in favor of older person{s)
ageism n. prejudiced thoughts and
discri1ninatory actio ns based on differences
in age; usually that of younger persons
against older
ally 2 n. son1eone who supports a group other
than their o,vn {in terms of racial identity,
gender, faith identity, sexual orientat ion,
etc.); allies acknow ledge disadvantage
and oppression of other groups, cake risks
and supportive action on their beha lf,
co111mic to reducing their o,vn comp licity
or collusion in opp ression of chose groups,
and invest in st rengthening their o,vn
knowledge and awareness of oppress ion
anarchism 3 n. generally defined as the
political philosophy which holds the
state co be undesirable , unnecessary, and
apathy 4 n. lack of interest or concern;
asexual 5 a. describes son1eone ,vho does
not experience sexual attraction
austerity n. state policy of reducing deficit
spend ing by cuttin g support for social
services like educat ion, healthcare, and
public housing

[b l
bourgeoisie n. upper -n1iddle to low-upper
class; also known as bougie (boo•jc:c:)
[ C


capitalism 6 n. an econon1ic syste111based
on private owne rship of the n1eans of
production and the creat ion of goods or
services for profit.
cisgender 7 a. a person ,vho ident ifies as
the gender/sex they \vere assigned at birch
(e.g., your birth ce,·tificatesaysfemale and
you identifj as a feinale u1oman)
cissexism 8 n. attitudes and feelings that

lessen trans"' peop le and their experiences;
expressing hatred and bigotry to\vards
trans * people
classism 4 n. attitudes, actio ns, and
institutional practices chat subord inate one
class to a do min ant class
coalition I n. collectio n of different peop le
or groups, working to,vard a common goal
colonialism / imperialism 4 n. che
extension of a nation 's sovereignty
over territory and peop le outs ide its
o,vn boundaries in order to facilitate
do111inationover natural resources, labor,
and mark ets; also refers to a set of beliefs
used to legitimize or pron1ote this system,
especially the belief that the n1orality of
the colonizer is super ior to that of the
colorblind I a. the belief in treating
everyone "equally" by treating everyone
the san1e; based in the presumption that
differences are, by definition, bad or
problemat ic, and therefo re best ignored

by people to acco1nplish a goal \Vithout the
help of governn1ent agencies, corporat ions,
or other burea ucratic institutions (e.g.,

picketing, work slowdowns,strikes,building
occupatiom,marches,independent media,
and guerillagardeningprojects)
direct democracy n. de1nocracy in
•.vhich po,ver of governance rests directly
in the hands of the people , and is not
relinquished to representatives ; in a direct
detnocracy, there are no elections, and there
is n1ore frequent voting on specific issues
disenfranchise v. co depr ive of any right,
privilege or power


economic globalization 4 n. the
continuing integration of cultures and
111arkecsby way of global trade agreen1ents,
such as the North An1erican Free Trade
Agreen1enc (NAFTA), trade organizations,
such as the World Trade Organization
(WTO), and regional econo mic blocs, such
as tl1e European Union (EU); economic
(e.g., "I don't seerace,gender,etc")
globalization is the subject of heated
commodification n. the process of turn ing
debate: supporters argue that globalizatio n
an object or service into something which
gene rates wealth, increases trade, and
can be bought and sold
spurs develop1nent, \vhile critics argue
communism n. a revolutionary socialist
that globalization leads to environn1ental
movement to create a classless, n1011eyless
degradation, explo itation of the poor by
po,verful states and con1panies, and does
and stateless social order structu red
upon comn1on o\vnership of the n1eans
not support sustainable developn1ent
of production; a social, political, and
ethnocentrism 4 n. a practic e of
econom ic ideology that ain1s at the
consciously or unconscious ly privileging
escablish,nenc of this social order
one's o,vn ethnic group over others;
communization n. the process of
involves judg ing othe r groups by the values
establishing collective o,vnership over a
of one's o,vn group
privately-controlled resource (e.g., building
!g I
occupatiom,land reclamations,and factory
gender 8 n. a comp lex co1nbinacion of roles,
expressions, ident ities, perforn1ances chat
consensus 9 n. a democratic decision are assigned gendered n1eanin g; gender
n1aking process chat seeks the agreen1ent
can be self-defined, but is often defined by
of all participants; describes both general
our larger society, coo- it's really a bit of
both, ,vith our o,vn chosen practices being
agreement and the process of gettin g to an
mediated through our place in society;
ho,v gender is e1nbodied and defined varies
[d l
deregulation n. the loosening or
fron1 culture co culture and from person to
eli1nination of governme nt controls on
gender binary 8 n. the pervasive social
corporate industry
direct action n. tactics whic h can be used
systen1 that tells us there can on ly be cis



n1ale and cis fen1ale, and that there can be
no alternatives in tern1s of gende r identity
or expression
gendered 1a. having a denotative or
connotative association with being either
(traditionally) masculine or feminin e
genderqueer 8 n. this term can be used
as an un1brella term for all people who
queer gender, as a son1e\vhat similar
term to gend er 11onconforn1ing, or as a
specific non -binary gender identity; as an
umbrella term, this can include gende r
nonconformi ng peop le, non -binary peop le,
and much n1ore; as a specific identity, it
can generally be understood as a gender
that is neither n1an nor \voman , possibly
in-benveen the nvo , or seen as a totally
separate gender altogether

interre late, creating a systen1 of oppression
that reflects the " intersection" of multip le
forn1s of discrim ination
intersex 1 n. the condition of biological
intern1ediacy benveen male and female,
or of having both ovarian and testicu lar
tissue, or of having nvo ovaries/testes, but
an1biguous genitals; applies to those whose
reproductive and sexual anatomy cann ot be
clearly classified as n1ale or female

for sexual attractions or romantic love

co,vard peop le of all gender ident ities and
biological sexes; deliberately rejects the
gende r binary ; derives its or igin from the
transgender movement; (omnisexuality,
polisexual ity)
patriarchy n. social do 1ninance of ~'omen
by men, ,vhere rights, privileges, and po,ver
are divided by gender
(PIC) abolition 9 n. political vision \vith
the goal of elim inat ing i1nprisonn1enc,
[i l
Jim Crow laws n. la\vs mandating racial
policing , and survei llance, and creating
lasting alternatives to punish 1nent and
impr isonn1ent
nationalism 4 n. a sense of national
plutocracy n. political rule by the \vealth y
consciousness exalting one's o,vn nation
polyamory I n. the practice of having
above all others and placing prin1ary
n1ultiple open, honest love relationsh ips
emphasis on the pron1otio11of its econom ic poverty 4 n. the condi tion of being unab le
and political interests and culture over
co achieve an adequate standard of living;
human surplus n. che portion of society
chose of other nations
the effects of poverty are, but not limited
,vhich 1nust re1nai11unen1ployed or
neoliberalism n. an econo1nic doctrine
to, hunger, homelessness, lack of education ,
underemployed in order for comp etition
characterized by the ren1oval of
and lack of resources to fulfill basic hu111
for jobs to re1nai11high enough for
governn1ental controls on for-profit
Prison Industrial Complex 9 (PIC) n. the
emp loyers to pay lo,v wages or salaries, and
industry and the eli1ninatio11of state
in so doing, increase their profits; society
support for social services like public
overlapping in terests of govern1nent and
educat ion, health care, child services, etc.;
has historically elimin ated redundant
indu stry th at use surveillance, policing, and
surpluses by waging bloody 'Nars; more
neoliberalism en1erged as a driving force
impr ison111entas soluti ons to econom ic,
recently, human surp luses are cordoned
behind econo1nic policy in the 1960s , and
social, and political proble1ns
off to ghettos and slun1s, whic h are often
has accelerated dra1natically in the US since privatization n. the process by ,vhich
racialized; the mass incarceration of people
the Reagan Era; the logic of neoliberalis111
social services previously supported by a
can be observed in the decisions behind
for petty crin1es is another \vay the state
govern 111entare transferred in O\vnership to
deals with human surp lus
the UC budget crisis, the Market Crashes
the private sector
of 1929 and 2007, and in the policies of
privilege n. an advantage to whic h on ly
[i l
indigenous peoples 4 n. people ,vho are
global financ ial institutions like the IMF
some people have access, due to their
and the World Bank
the original or natu ral inhabitants of a land
social group 1ne11
1berships; n1any different
(e.g., Native A1nericans/AmericanIndians a,·e normalization n. the process of establishing
categories of privilege exist, and a person
the indigenouspeoplesof the US)
a specific practice or set of cultur al
n1ay possess one type of privilege while
intersectionality 10 n. the ,vay in
practices as "normal" ; once a practice is
being denied another (e.g., a zvhite woman
which various biological , social, and
defined as normal, any behavior whic h
may benefitfrom p,·ivileges associatedwith
deviates from it is considered abnorn1al,
her whiteness,zvhilestill denied otherson the
cultural categories such as gender,
basisof he,· womanhood;a Latino man may
race, class, ability, sexual orientation,
generally \Vith negative con notat ions
be denied certain p,·ivilegesdue to his race,
and othe r axes of ident ity interact
[o l
on multip le and often simultaneous
oppression 4 n. th e systemat ic exploitation
while benefiting.fromhis status as a man)
levels, contr ibuting to systen1atic social
of one social group by another for its o,vn
[q l
benefit; involves institutio nal contro l,
queer I a. an umbrella tern1 that can
inequality; intersectiona lity holds that the
classical conceptua lizations of oppression
ideological don1inacio11,and the i111pos
refer to anyone who transgresses
society's view of gender or sexuality; the
within society, such as racism, sexisn1,
of the do1ninant group's cu lture on the
homophobia, and religion -based bigotry,
definitional indetern1inacy and elasticity
do not act independently of one another;
of the word queer is one of its constituent
[P l
characte ristics: "A zone of possibilities"
instead , these forms of oppression
pansexual 1a. referring co the potential




racism 2 n. a complex system of beliefs and
behaviors, often grounded in a presumed
superior ity of the wh ite race; these
beliefs and behaviors are conscious and
unconscious, personal and institutional ,
and result in oppress ion of people of colo r
and benefit of the don1inant group, vvhites
rape culture 11 n. describes a culture
in \vhich peop le are sur rounded with
in1ages, language, laws, and othe r
everyday phenon1e na that validate and
perpetuate rape; includes jokes, TV, mus ic,
advertising , legal jargon, lav,s, \Vords and
imagery, that n1ake violence against wo ,n en
and sexual coercion seen1 so no rn1al chat
peop le believe that rape is inevitab le
recidivism rate n. the percentage of people
who ret urn to prison after having been
previously incarcerated
right n. a resource or posit ion to ,vhic h
everyone should have equa l access or
availabil ity, regardless of their social group

safe space n. refers to an environn1ent
in which everyone feels comfo rtab le in
expressing then1selves and participat ing
fully, \Vithout fear of attack, ridicule or
denial of exper ience
self-determination 4 n. politica l
independence of a par t of a group without
contro l by peop le outside of that area
sex I n. biological classificatio n of 1nale or
fe,nale, based on genet ic or physiological
features; as opposed to gender
sexism n. attitudes, conditions , or behaviors
chat pron1ote stereotyping and oppression
based on differences in sex and/o r gende r


silencing v. the consc ious or w1conscious

prejudice and other forn1s of unequal

processes by which the voice or
participation of particu lar people or groups
of people are excluded or inhib ited
social / sexual policing v. the

treaunent chat impact different groups

enforce ment of rigid social roles through
forn1al and/or inforn1al customs, norms,
rules and la\vs; social policing often
happens unintentionally
social justice 4 n. the practice of
promoting and protecting hun1an rights
and responsibilities, \vith a particular
emphasis on the econom ic and social rights
of society's 1nost vulnerab le groups
social reproduction n. the process by
\vh.ich social roles are reproduced ; chis can
happen in the classroon11 the ,vorkp lace,
the hon1e1 and any place in \vhich people
are expected to act/ int eract in specific ways
socialism n. de,nocratic control of the
means of production (e.g., workersand

not bosseswith cont,·olof the means of
production, distr·ibution,exchange) ; the
belief chat a truly liberated society cannot
be ach ieved by the ballot, but n1ust be
ach ieved through struggle, by \Vorking
people fighting for the end of oppression,
exploitation, and racisn1
status quo n. the existi ng state; describes
ho\v everyone has a place in society, and
ho\v hierarchies are maintained

sustainability n. the ab ility to meet the

[t l
transgender a. general tern1 for groups ,
behaviors, and individuals seeking to
support the \vide range of variability
possib le in sex and gender
transgendered a. appea ring as, \Vishing
to be considered as, or having undergone
surgery to beco1ne a men1ber of the
oppos ite sex; transgendered peop le can
include transsexua ls, cross-dressers, drag
kings/ queens, n1asculin e women, fe,nin ine
men, and chose who defy what soc iety tells
then1 is appropr iate for their gender
transphobia I n. the fear or hatred of
hon1osexuality (and other non -heterosexua l
identities ), and persons perceived to be
transgender and/or transexual
transsexual a. identifing as a gende r ocher
that of one 's bio logical sex

trigger n. a wo rd, behavior, men1ory1 or
othe r psychological n1arker \vhich can
bring about flashbacks to a trau,natic
exper ience such as rape or other forn1s of


vanguardism n. in the context of
revolutionary strugg le, a strategy \vhereby
an organization atte mp ts to place itself at
the cent er of the n1oven1ent1 and steer it in
a direct ion consis tent wit h its ideology

needs of the present without compr on1ising
zero-tolerance policies n. school and
the ability of future generat ions to 1neet
la\v enforce ,n ent policies that auton1atical ly
their own needs; susta inability is a highly
con1plex concept in practice
imp ose severe punishment regardless
system of oppression I n. conscious and
of circun1stance; they often bypass due
unconscious, non -randon1 1 and organized
process, and are key part of the schoo l to
harassn1ent, discrimination, exp loitat ion,
prison pipe lin e

" Diversity and Social Just ice: A Glossary of Work ing Definit ions." Office of Multicultural Affairs. U Massachusetts Lowell, n.d. Web.
"Glossary for Racial Equity." Racial Equity Tools. Center for Assessme nt and Policy Development, 2009. Web.
Slevin, Carl. "Anarchism ." The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. lain McLean and Alistair McM illan. Oxford UP, 2003. Print.
"Glossary." This is My Home. University of Minneso ta Hurra n Rights Center, n.d. Web.
"Overview." AVEN. The Asexuality Visibility and Education Network , 2008. Web.
Tormey, Simon . Anti-Capitalism. Oxford: Oneworld, 2004.
"Cisgende r." Queer Dictionary . Tumblr, 22 Aug. 20 11. Web.
"Jess ' Big List of Gender Terms!" transtheorist . Tumblr, 25 Apr. 20 12. Web.
' 'What is the PIC? What is Abolit ion?" Critical Resistance. Critical Resistance, 20 12. Web.
Crenshaw, Kimberle W. " Mapp ing the M argins : lnte rsectionality , Ide ntity Pol itics, and Violence Aga inst Women of Color."
Stanford Law Review 43.6 (1991): 1241- 1299. Print.
11 ' 'What is Rape Culture. " Force: Upsetting Rape Culture . n.p., n.d. Web.



The 1nain ,vriters and editors of this
publication are Alex Carasso, Ben Mabie,
Courtney Hanson, Noah Miska, Ben
Nokes, and Zora Raskin.
We are a group of students
who, through a series of nefarious,
heartbreaking, beautiful , and ultimately
eye opening experiences, have found
ourselves with a worldview that in
1nany ways contradicts what you may
be receiving in your UCSC or ientation
We have written n1any of these

articles collectively, and therefore have
chosen to not give one person owners h ip
over any particular piece. We do ,vant
to recognize our privileged position as
wh ite, able-bodied, cis students on thi s
ca1npus. While ,ve have gone to great
lengths to incorporate an anti -oppression
analysis into each artic le, ,ve feel that ,ve
must name our privileg es in order to be
accoun table to our readers. If you think
anything ,ve've printed is racist, sexist,
classist, or other,vise oppress ive, please let
us kno,v. Our email address is disguide @ We are, and ,viii forever be,
still learning.
We hope that the Disorientation
Guidewill be a tool for yo u in the
coming months, a way to unlearn
many of the teachings of the state, our
educa tional system, and the media. At
th e very least ,ve hope that our readers
begin to understand that 'politics' is more
th an a conversation about Republicans
vs. Democrats. Everything is politi cal,
fro1n the food that we eat, to the cops
stationed at the main entrance.

We would also like to thank our
contributing authors:
Marissa Adams
Ryan Boysen
Sean Burns
Shani Chabansky
Emi ly Colet ta
Forrest G. Robinson (AMST) • Andrew Matthews (ANTH) • Carolyn Martin Shaw (ANT H)
Wes Modes
Alan Richards (ENVS) • Jeff Bury (ENVS ) • Steve Gliessman (ENVS)
Arte1n Raskin
Bettina Aptheker (FMST) • Gina Dent (FMST)
Jacqueline Seydel
Gopal Balakrishnan (HISC) • Stewart Cooper (KRSG) • Flora Lu (LAL S) • James McCloskey (L ING)
Mary Virginia Watson
David Lau (L IT) • Gary Young (LIT ) • Jody Green (LIT )


Bob Meister (POLI) • Eva Bertram (POL I) • Megan Thomas (POLI)
Nameera Akhtar (PSYC) • Craig Haney (PSYC) • Aida Hurtado (PSYC )
Regina Langhout (PSYC) • Travis Seymour (PSYC) • Ralph Quinn (PSY C)
Hiroshi Fukurai (SOC)

A 7housandP'4teaux, Deleuze and Guattari
An fnh·oduction tu Civil War,1-iqqun
Anarchisn1and Other Essays,Emma Goldman
TheArt of Loving, £rich Frotnm
Assata,Assata Shaku r
Bury /11yHeart at WoundedKnee, Dee Brown
Brave New World, Aldous Huxley
Caliban and the Witch, Silvia Federici
Chon1skyOn Anarchisn1, Noan1 Cho1nsky
The Coining Insurrection, The Invisible Comn 1ittee
Conquestof Bread, Peter Kropotk in
The Dispossessed
, Ursula Leguin
Eyesof the Heart, Jean Bertrand Aristide
Homageto Catalonia, George O rwell
How 1Vo11viol
enccProtects the State, Peter Gelde rloos

Grapesof Wrath,John Steinbeck
island, Aldous Huxley
TheKite Runner, Khaled Hosseini
Life Fro,n Death Row, Mun1iaAbu-Jamal
TheMonkey-Wt·ench Gang, Edward Abbey
Our BodiesOurselves,The Boston Wo1nen 's Health Book
Collec tive

Pedagogyof the Oppressed
, Paolo Freire
People'sHistory of the United States, Howard Zi nn
Prison Writings, Leona rd Peltier
Rcquien1far a Species, Cl ive Hamil ton
Societyof.the Spectacle,Guy Debo rd
Sweetness and Power,Sidney Mintz
The Once and Future Kit1g,1".H. White
UnbearableLightt1ess of Being, Milan Kundera

Graphic designers :
Melanie Dickinson
Iris Roselinsky
Oscar Vargas
Contributing photographers :
Sal Ingr am
Prescott Warson
And everyone from
Student Media:
Tere Alaniz
Susan Watrous
Student Media Counci l

INFORMATIVEWEBSITES • crimethinc.con1 • anarchistne\ • zinelibrary. info • occupyca.wordpress.con1 • signalfire .org
anti • blackpowderpress.con1 • ruckus .org • reclai111uc.blogspot.con1

answer other than a definitive "No," gather your stuff and leave
w ithout another word.
You have the right to end an encounter with a police officer
unlessyou are being detained or arrested. Don't waste t ime trying
to determine your status.Testwhether you are free to go, and then
go. If you aren't free to go, the officer will make it perfectly clear.


Usethe Magic Words

~__, .__,.o,_~...1


If you are detained or arrested,usethe magic words:

L. ;:::,:,:,,,,.

"I'm going to remain silent. I would like to seea lawyer."

This government'ssystemof laws existsto maintain the dominanceof those in power,and the police are its armed enforcers.If
you doubt this for a minute,look at who arethe selective targetsof
local laws: Peoplewho are homeless,young,poor,black or brown,
dissenters.On a global scale, look at who dies and who gets rich
from our warsand other man-madedisasters.
For250 yearsin this country,the government and their enforcers haveconsistentlyfought against people working for liberation:
Indigenous resistance,land reformers,slave revolts, abolitionists,
labor organizersand workers,free-speechac\vocates,
women's and
civil rights workers, anti-war and anti-globalization protesters,and
recently,animal rights and environmental activists.
Your relationship with the police is at heart adversarial. While
there may be copswith heartsof gold,the job of all police is to arrest
and prosecuteyou. Assuch,it isalmost neverin your best interestto
cooperatewith the police.
Keepingyourself safeand resistingthe police state comesdown
to thesesimple principles:
1) Non-cooperation:If you talk with the police,you willl likely unintentionally hurt yourself,your friends,or others.
2) Do not consentto searches:Nevergive law enforcementthe
okayto examineyour pockets,car,backpack,or home.
3) Remainsilent: Usethe magic words and then staysilent.
4) Talkto a lawyer: Nevertake advicefrom the police,they may try
to trick and misleadyou.
5) Use trust and intuition: Without being paranoid, work only
with people with whom you havea history of trust.
6) Mutual Support: Support thosewho are dealingwith copsand
courts. Don't leavepeople isolated- show strength in numbers.

RightsDuring a PoliceEncounter
In a police encounter these rules will help protect your civil
rights and improveyour chancesof driving or walking awaysafely.
Fromhereon out, we aretalking about your "rights" guaranteedby
law. Though in our view,what you can do and what you can do
legally aretwo different thJngs. Hopefully,these are tools you will
find useful in your toolbox of resistance.

Do not talk to police. Wait to talk to a lawyer who is representing
you. Evencasualsmalltalk can come back to haunt you. Anything
you say can,and will, be usedagainst you.
Copshave numeroustricks to get you to talk. They can and do
use fear,solitude, isolation, lies,advice,playing you against others,
and even kindnessto get you to cooperate. Don't be fooled. If you
need to say anything,repeat the magic words.
Keepin mind the credo: If no one talks,everyonewalks. Regardless of what you are told by an investigating officer, you have
nothing to gain by talking to the police... and everything to lose.
Policeofficerswill often tell you that your cooperation will make
things easier for you, and many people hope to be let off easy if
they are honest and direct with the police. The only thing it makes
easier is the officer'sjob. Do not let the threat of arrest scareyou
into admitting guilt. Better to spend a night in jail, than years in
prison. Ask to speakwith a lawyer,and remain silent.
Refuseto Consentto Searches

Officersseeking evidence will often try to get you to allow them
to searchyour belongings,your car,or your home. Refuseto consent to a search,with the phrase:
"I do not consentto a search."

Usually,a searchrequestwill come in the form of an ambiguous
statement, such as,"I'm going to ask you to empty your pockets."
Answer such requests unambiguously. Repeatas many t imes as
You are under no obligation to allow a search.The only reason
an officer asksyour permission is becausehe doesn't have enough
evidenceto searchwithout your consent.
Alwayskeep any private items that you don't want others to see
out of sight. Legallyspeaking,police do not need consent or a warrant to confiscateany illegal items that are in plain view.
Police officers are not required to inform you of your rights
before askingyou to consentto a search.If the officer searchesyou
in spite of your objection, do not physicallyresist.Yourattorney can
argue to haveevidencethrown out of court. not obligated to Jdentifyyourself (exceptwhen driving)
in most states.Officerswill often tell you otherwise.
Whereto Go For More Help

All of these rights alsoapply to minors and non-citizens.
StayCool& PolitelyAssertive

Police are well armed and often unpredictable, so remaining
cool and calm will keepyou safe. Treatthem with the caution with
which you would treat any dangerous, unpredictable, armed
Be polite and yet assertive to ensure that your rights aren't
trampled on. Some officers may come on heavy if you are not
absolutely submissive,but standing up for your rightswill keepyou
safein the long run,in court when it reallymatters.

If you feel your rights are being violated,hold tight until you can
talk to a lawyer.If you don't have your own lawyer the court will
appoint the public defender to defend you. For more information
about your rights,law education,and what to do if your rights were
violated,check out:
BayArea Legal ResourceNetwork
Mid night SpecialLaw Collective
National LawyersGuild
ACLUof Northern California
mid 415-285-5067

Theremay also be legal help in your community that will specifically help you if you are a senior, low-income, homeless,or an
non-citizen. Ask around in your community.

You don't haveto talk to the police. As soon as an officer approachesyou, ask the officer,"Am I free to go?" If you get an

v i 1.07.27

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